Excerpts: Israel's planned regional domination.Palestinians set on failure
10 October 2003
+++AL-AHRAM WEEKLY 18-24 Sept.'03:"Washington deaf to reason"
HEADING:"Ibrahim Nafie appeals for a more rational approach to resolving the
current
dilemma in Iraq"
[IMRA: Nafie chairs the Al Ahram organization and is Mubarak's favorite
journalist. ]
QUOTES FROM TEXT:
"Israel which, having shored up the territorial edifice of the state, is
now proceeding to the second phase of the project: regional domination."
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
-------------------------------------------------
EXCERPTS:
. . .
To me the US administration's adamant refusal to discuss the political
dimension of the Iraqi problem and its determination to treat it exclusively
from the security perspective clearly suggest that the architects of this
scheme for the region are from the ultra- conservative and Zionist right. It
is little wonder, therefore, that this scheme should be so heartily embraced
by Israel which, having shored up the territorial edifice of the state, is
now proceeding to the second phase of its project: regional domination. This
makes it all the more imperative for Arab leaders to treat the situation in
Iraq for what it really is. We are faced with a traditional occupation of a
pivotal Arab nation,
[IMRA:Has no example of "traditional occupation".]
an occupation that is no more than a link in the chain of a fully-fledged
plan to dismember the Arab world and destroy its identity in order to
promote purely American interests, and the interests of Washington's number
one ally in the region, Israel.
Perhaps the first step in countering the designs of the current US
administration is to work together with nations, such as France, Germany and
Russia, towards ensuring a clear linkage between security and political
processes in a new UN Security Council resolution. Towards this end it will
be of crucial importance to stress moral and legal considerations.
Specifically, Washington had justified its war on Iraq on the need to
eradicate weapons of mass destruction. Having waged its war and toppled the
regime of Saddam Hussein Washington has failed to produce any evidence of
the presence WMD. The deception was nothing less than a political ruse, made
no better by subsequent rhetoric issuing from Washington and such cosmetic
gestures as the creation of an Interim Council at a time when the Iraqi
people are clamouring for independence and sovereign rule.
The voices of reason also suggests that elections in Iraq should be held as
soon as possible. De Villepin has suggested next spring and President
Mubarak has stated that six months should be sufficient to prepare for such
elections. However, we can expect American resistance to general elections
primarily because its occupation of Iraq had nothing to do with the events
of 11 September or WMD and everything to do with US plans to redraw the map
of the Middle East and to secure Israel's regional hegemony.
The challenges before the Arab world are formidable. Until now the poor
level of inter-Arab cooperation has acted as a goad not only to the US but
to a small power that aspires to become a major regional power and gobble up
more Arab territory in the process. It is time to reverse that process by
working together to confront the designs against us and then to move on
towards the formulation of a collective project for Arab national revival.
The opportunities and abilities are available and we have many ideas that
can be developed.
[IMRA: Examples missing.]
The question is whether we can summon the necessary political will.
+++AL-AHRAM WEEKLY 2-8 October '03:"Crossed Roads"
HEADING:"Palestinians passed the third year of the Intifada this week
seeking leadership -- they
didn't find it. Graham Usher reports from Jerusalem"
QUOTES FROM TEXT:
"international seal of approval for the Israeli-American view that the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict
is not one of a national liberation struggle against colonial
occupation but rather another front
in the 'war against terrorism'."
"the PA leadership remained locked in crisis mode"
"the 'new' order not only represents a massive consolidation of Yasser
Arafat's power at the
helm of the Palestinian ship but also of the old Fatah guard that
represents his most loyal
constituency."
"the new cabinet reflects a re-entrenchment of the same leadership
'whose lack of strategy
during the Intifada has led the Palestinians to the current crisis' "
"Before the Intifada,'we were in a better position than we are now,
politically and
internationally' "
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
---------------------------------
EXCERPTS:
Palestinians in the occupied territories observed the third anniversary of
the Al-Aqsa Intifada less with a bang than a whimper. There were marches and
rallies in Nablus and Gaza, staffed by Fatah militiamen vowing "revolution
until victory". But the dominant mood was one of introspection, with
Palestinians -- analysts, activists and people -- pondering a revolt that
has so far been short on accomplishments and long on losses ... .The sense
of defeat was reinforced by two decisions, one Israeli and territorial, the
other international and diplomatic.
On Wednesday the Israeli government approved construction of the central
section of the West Bank "wall", including barriers that would go east of
the settlements of Ariel and Kadumim, some 15 miles inside the West Bank. In
deference to US misgivings these barriers will not yet be joined to the main
wall, actually a vast rift consisting of electronic fences, concrete walls,
trenches and military towers. But few Palestinians believe the linkage will
be anything other than a matter of time. ...
The second decision was the statement released on 26 September by the Middle
East Quartet ... authors of the now defunct roadmap "toward peace". It
marked an international seal of approval for the Israeli-American view that
the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is not one of a national liberation
struggle against colonial occupation but rather another front in the "war
against terrorism".
Thus while the Palestinian Authority was told to take "immediate, decisive
steps against individuals and groups planning and conducting violent acts"
(including those in defense of their communities in the occupied
territories), Israel's "legitimate right to self- defense" was recognised,
including the extra-judicial executions of Palestinian militants and
political leaders.
[IMRA: "Political leaders"? Those intimately connected with terrorism.]
And while Israel was urged to refrain from the construction of settlements
and the West Bank barrier and other actions that "undermine Palestinian
trust in the roadmap", there was no mention, let alone condemnation, of
Israel's "in principle" decision to remove the elected leader of a nation it
is supposed to be negotiating with over independence. ...
Faced with these defeats the PA leadership remained locked in crisis mode,
now expressing defiance to its people, now signaling accommodation to the
non-American Quartet members.
On 28 September PA Premier Ahmed Qurieh submitted a provisional list of 24
ministers for the new Palestinian government. The "new" order not only
represents a massive consolidation of Yasser Arafat's power at the helm of
the Palestinian ship but also of the old Fatah guard that represents his
most loyal constituency. ...
The new government was presented as one of "National Unity". It was anything
but. Most obviously there was no presence of either Islamist or nationalist
opposition, since Hamas, Islamic Jihad and the Popular Front for the
Liberation of Palestine will not and cannot join a government bound by the
security provisions of the roadmap. Neither was there any more than the most
token representation for Fatah's young guard leadership, including those who
tactically support the roadmap as a means to further Palestinian reform and
hasten new PA elections. Rather the new cabinet reflects a re-entrenchment
of the same leadership "whose lack of strategy during the Intifada has led
the Palestinians to the current crisis," said one West Bank Fatah leader.
Where strategy was debated it was between two Palestinians outside the
government, both with ambitions to leadership, but both advocating wholly
different roads to freedom. On 29 September Dahlan said the root cause of
the present crisis was the PA leadership's failure to register the change in
US policy wrought by 11 September, and particularly the designation of all
forms of armed resistance with terrorism. Before the Intifada, "we were in a
better position than we are now, politically and internationally," said
Dahlan. The implication clearly was that unless the PA did the US bidding --
including a showdown with Hamas and Islamic Jihad -- the failures would only
accumulate.
[IMRA: Not the US "bidding" but a prime Oslo and roadmap requirement,]
. . .
... Should the Palestinians, pace Dahlan, throw in their lot with the US and
seek salvation through the "war against terrorism", disavowing their own
resistance in the process? Or should they, pace Barghouthi, target Israeli
opinion with the relentless message that it can have security or it can have
occupation but it will never enjoy both? The tragedy of the Palestinians
after three years of their uprising is that they have a leadership that is
unable or unwilling -- or unwilling to the point of being unable -- to take
either road.
[IMRA: No! They follow Barghouthi -- continue unchanged.]
Dr. Joseph Lerner, Co-Director IMRA
|