[Dr. Aaron Lerner - IMRA:

"It is now clear that the true conflict in the region is not between Israel
and the Palestinians, or between Jews and Arabs, but between moderates and
extremists."

This is nice PC talk. But it is also a barefaced lie.

And while it sounds nice it also seriously undermines Israel's ability to
explain and justify its positions and policies and essentially says that the
only problem Israel has with the extremist demands and goals of "moderate"
Abbas is that there are also "extremists" in the neighborhood. This leads
3rd parties to come to the conclusion that Abbas' demands and goals are
acceptable and that there is only a technical problem of coming up with some
kind of arrangement of guarantees that the "extremists" won't interfere.]

=============

Address by FM Tzipi Livni to the NATO-Israel Symposium, Herzliya 22 October
2007

Ministry of Foreign Affairs

In sharing the same values of democracy and freedom, facing the same threats
and in the will to defend our common way of life, NATO and Israel are
natural partners and strategic allies.

His Excellency Ambassador Claudio Bisogniero, Deputy Secretary General of
NATO,
Prof. Uriel Reichman, President of IDC Herzliya,
Professor Uzi Arad, Chairman of the Atlantic Forum of Israel,
Distinguished guests and participants,
I would like to welcome to Israel Ambassador Bisogniero, Deputy Secretary
General of NATO, as a close ally.

In sharing the same values of democracy and freedom, facing the same threats
and in the will to defend our common way of life, NATO and Israel are
natural partners and strategic allies. The Western civilization and the
Atlantic Community, which NATO defends, are Israel's natural habitat.
Therefore, it should come as no surprise that Israel was the first
Mediterranean country to conclude an Individual Cooperation Program with
NATO.

NATO was established in the early days of the Cold War to defend democracy
and to secure the freedom of the western world. Israel was established as a
democracy, in a sea of non-democratic entities. In this context, Israel,
till today, represents these values in the entire Middle East region.

As Israel and NATO are partners in upholding the values of democracy, so
also we are partners in meeting the threat of extremism. The battle of our
time is the battle between the moderates and the extremists. Extremists do
not fight for their own rights, but fight in order to deprive the rights of
others.

Extremism is not a local problem - it transcends borders and nations. This
is not an Israeli problem, or a European issue, it is a global threat, which
must be dealt with in a global manner - with unity and determination.
Extremism manifests itself in many ways. The threat can evolve from state
actors or other forms.

As a state actor - we witness how a state, a member of the United Nations,
like Iran, seeks weapons of mass destruction, supports terrorism world wide,
and at the same time calls for the destruction of a fellow member of the
United Nations. We also face the threat of global terrorism - deriving from
states or organizations.

They use various means and methods to promote their agenda. Among them the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, the spread of incitement and
hatred literature, and also the manipulation of the democratic system for
their own means. Both in Lebanon and the Palestinian Authority we have seen
how terrorist organizations have penetrated into the political democratic
processes, acquiring false legitimacy through the back door. We must block
this penetration of democratic systems. In my speech at the UN General
Assembly I proposed the adoption of a universal democratic code, or a
universal set of standards, which requires that all those seeking legitimacy
earn it by respecting principles as state monopoly, the rejection of racism
and violence and the protection of human rights.

In this context, it is now evidently true that the regional conflicts in the
Middle East are not a cause of the extremism, but a result of this
phenomenon. Recognition of the fact that extremism is at the root of our
regional conflict has an impact on the understanding of the conflict and the
Palestinian Israeli relations.

Israel and the pragmatic Arab world, including the moderate Palestinians,
share the same battle. It is now clear that the true conflict in the region
is not between Israel and the Palestinians, or between Jews and Arabs, but
between moderates and extremists. Therefore, our policy must be a dual
policy, one which combats the extremists and isolates them on the one hand,
while at the same time strengthens the moderates and builds with them
bridges of understanding and cooperation.

In the Israeli-Palestinian context, the split between extremists and
moderates has now also been expressed by an additional dimension - the
territorial dimension. With the violent takeover of the Gaza Strip by the
Hamas, we see a clear territorial distinction - the Hamas in Gaza and the
Fatah in the West Bank. Therefore, our policy, as well, must make this
distinction.

With the pragmatic leaders in the Palestinian Authority, we share a common
vision and common objectives. We share the vision of two states, two
homelands, giving an answer to the national aspirations of both sides,
living side by side in peace and security. It is no longer perceived as a
zero sum game.

It would, however, be naïve to assume that there are no differences of
interests between the two sides. Therefore we must pursue a process and
dialogue in order to bridge the differences. At the basis of such a process
we must understand that the coordination of expectations is most important
for success.

In the process, we want to bridge two gaps.

The first gap relates to the open issues between the two sides. We want to
reach understandings on these open issues, based on the willingness of both
sides to compromise. This includes also an understanding that both sides
must also give up on some of their historical dreams.

The second gap is the gap between the understandings reached and the ability
to implement them. There is no disputing the fact that there is a gap
between the will of the pragmatic Palestinian leaders and their capability
to execute.

Even if we do, hopefully, resolve the principle issues relating to the
Palestinian state, it is clear that we cannot just separate and throw the
key to the other side and hope for the best. The Gaza experience is a living
example of what the world cannot afford. Israel fully withdrew from the Gaza
Strip, thus terminating its so called occupation of the Strip, and allowing
the Palestinians to establish independent governance. In return, we received
increased terror, daily Kassam rocket attacks against cities in Israel and
the establishment of a Hamas stronghold on our southern border. We must
ensure that there is an efficient and effective government which takes
control over the area and prevents attacks against Israel.

This gap can be bridged by the Road Map formula, according to which the
first stage in the implementation of any agreement is the fight against
terror and the dismantling of terror organizations.

Israel is prepared to engage in the process and the dialogue already now,
with the understanding that the execution of any agreement depends on the
implementation as stated in the Road Map. Insisting on the implementation of
the Road Map is not an obstacle, but the opposite, it enables us to advance
towards the realization of two states living in peace and security. The
world cannot afford to allow the development of another terror state. Just
as a Palestinian state is an Israeli interest, so Israeli security must be a
Palestinian interest.

NATO was a pioneer in setting security as a central aspect in regional
stability.

The bilateral track is the way to resolve the conflict. But, in order for
this process to succeed, it will also require the support of two outer
belts - the moderate Arab and Moslem states, along with the international
community.

The moderate Arab states must give their support to the process, in a way
that will strengthen the moderates in the Palestinian Authority. One of the
lessons of the past is the significance of the lack of support rendered by
the Arab world to the process, at critical junctions. We are now at such a
junction, and the pragmatic leaders need this support. The Arab and Moslem
world must adopt any decision that the Palestinians accept, and not dictate
the results. They must participate in any meeting that is convened, and not
present conditions for their participation. Instead of waiting till the end
of the conflict in order to normalize relations with Israel, they can take
steps now, as Israel takes steps towards the Palestinians.

The outer belt which is equally important is the support of the
international community. The role of the international community is to give
its support to the bilateral track, and encourage the moderate Palestinians
to make the necessary compromises. They can also encourage the Arab world to
normalize their relations with Israel, which will directly and indirectly
support the process.

The international community must also support the process in one of the most
crucial elements - the institution building. Part and parcel of a viable
Palestinian state is the building of efficient and responsible government
institutions, ensuring law and order, securing and maintaining monopoly over
the use of force, and general capacity building.

As I mentioned, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict is in-separable from the
global issue of extremism and the challenges of the day. In order to meet
the challenges I have mentioned, we call for increased global cooperation.
Cooperation must go beyond the local level. There is no-one better to lead
the way than NATO. NATO must, accordingly, also re-align its partnerships
according to the functional needs, and not regional considerations.

Israel seeks a formal partnership relationship with NATO. Israel's efforts
to enhance relations with NATO are part of its broader foreign policy to
bolster Israel's multilateral diplomacy. Israel is committed to the NATO
Mediterranean dialogue, and is fully aware of its great potential, as a
framework for confidence building measures between NATO, members of the
dialogue and the moderate Arab world.

Facing the threats and challenges I mentioned earlier, now more than ever
before, it is time to upgrade the bilateral relations between Israel and
NATO, broaden the scope of cooperation and promote joint activity. While
NATO re-aligns itself, according to functional needs and global
requirements, to meet the challenges of our generation, it will find in
Israel a willing and reliable partner.

Thank you.