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Tuesday, November 2, 2010
UNW Exposes Failed Reform in U.N. Testimony: Say No to Iran & Saudi on U.N. Womens Rights Agency

U.N. Testimony: Speaking Truth to Power
UN Watch Briefing
Vol. 261 | Nov. 1, 2010
tel: (41-22) 734-1472 • fax: (41-22) 734-1613
www.unwatch.org

Say No To Iran and Saudi Arabia Leading U.N.'s New Women's Rights Agency

Iran and Saudi Arabia, countries that hang, lash and stone women to death,
are on track to join the board of a new U.N. agency devoted to women's
rights. No joke. The elections are next week, on November 10th.

In response, UN Watch today launched a worldwide protest campaign, urging
member states and U.N. officials to speak out immediately against this cruel
and cynical manipulation of international institutions. If you have a
Facebook account, stand up against this outrage: visit this webpage and
click "Like." (http://www.facebook.com/stopiran)

UN Watch Testifies to U.N. Human Rights Council
on its Betrayal of Kofi Annan's Promised Reforms

Testimony before U.N. Human Rights Council
Open-ended Intergovernmental Working Group on the
2011 Review of the Work and Functioning of the Human Rights Council
Delivered by Hillel C. Neuer for UN Watch
Geneva, 25 October 2010

Mr. President,

UN Watch is committed to the founding mission and principles of this
council, as set forth in UNGA Resolution 60/251.

Foremost in our minds, as we commence the 2011 review process, must be the
council’s purpose: to help millions of victims worldwide whose basic human
rights are violated.

This council was created on the initiative of then Secretary-General Kofi
Annan, to redress the shortcomings of its predecessor, the Commission on
Human Rights. Let us recall what he sought to reform, and then let us see
where we stand today.

In his 2005 reform proposal, Mr. Annan publicly acknowledged what many human
rights NGOs, including UN Watch, had been saying for years.

Secretary-General Annan said the Commission had a “credibility deficit”—one
that was casting “a shadow on the reputation of the United Nations system as
a whole.”

He said the Commission “suffer[ed] from declining professionalism.”
Countries sought membership “not to strengthen human rights but to protect
themselves against criticism or to criticize others.”

The Commission was undermined by the “politicization of its sessions [and
the] selectivity of its work.” Indeed, “politicization and selectivity,”
said Mr. Annan, were nothing less than “hallmarks of the Commission’s
existing system.”

What he was referring to was not a mystery. At the time, 50 percent of the
commission’s resolutions on countries, and an entire agenda item, targeted
one single state. Paradoxically, that target happened to be a liberal
democracy with free elections, individual rights, and an independent
judiciary. Meanwhile, with a handful of exceptions, the world’s millions of
victims, suffering from gross and systematic violations, went ignored. Year
after year, session after session.

And so the Secretary-General called for a new body that would change things.
A year later, in 2006, this council was created. Resolution 60/251 promised
that the new council would elect members committed to the promotion of and
protection of human rights. Serious violators would have their membership
suspended. The council would address the world’s most severe abuses,
including by the use of urgent sessions that could be easily convened. The
council’s work, we were told, would be objective, impartial and
non-selective.

Mr. President, five years later, where do we stand?

We recognize the noble efforts of certain members, such as the U.S., to
achieve change. The recent naming of monitors for freedom of association and
women’s equality offers some potential. So does the Universal Periodic
Review mechanism, which some countries use to apply real scrutiny.
Regrettably, though, even here, the worst violators game the system by using
up the scarce time—three hours per country every four years—to exchange
mutual praise and shield abusers.

However, to take an overall measure of whether the new council has brought
change, let us go back to the three principal criteria articulated by
Secretary-General Annan:

1. Membership: According to Freedom House, the membership of this council is
actually worse than that of its discredited predecessor. Current members
include China, Cuba, and Saudi Arabia. The newest addition is Colonel
Muammar Qadaffi's Libyan regime, elected by a landslide of U.N. member
states in May. Mr. President, is this a membership "committed to the
promotion of and protection of human rights"?

2. Country scrutiny: What happened to the former monitors on human rights
violations in Cuba, Belarus, Liberia, and DR Congo? Mr. President, why did
this new council eliminate them as its first order of business?

3. Objectivity, Impartiality and Non-Selectivity: The U.N. itself, in a
2006 comparison chart, promised that the “agenda item targeting Israel”
would be replaced by a clean slate. Yet as soon as this council was created,
it re-instituted the permanent agenda item targeting Israel, an act of
discrimination and selectivity built in to every single council meeting.

Mr. President, where is the promised clean slate?

Instead, here is what the council has held, adopted and pronounced since its
creation in June 2006:

• One single "Urgent Debate" — on Israel;

• Nine "Special Sessions" that criticized countries — six of them on
Israel. (And another one that praised Sri Lanka after it killed 20,000
civilians);

• Some 40-odd council resolutions that criticized countries — 35 of them on
Israel;

• Five "fact-finding" missions — all on Israel, all with the guilty verdict
declared in advance.

Mr. President,

The question before us today is this: What about the millions upon millions
of victims worldwide who continue to go ignored? Is there anything that
Secretary-General Annan said in 2005 about the old, discredited commission,
that does not apply today to this new and reformed council?

Thank you, Mr. President.

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