Excerpts: Saudi private sector employment problems. Egypt's activists 'seek
more revolution'. Arab League response Syria/ Impact on Jordan January 22,
2012

+++SOURCE: Saudi Gazette 22 Jan.’12:”1.7m expats, 116K Saudis hired in 2010”

SUBJECT: Saudi private-sector employment problems

QUOTE:” ‘The number of Saudis employed is 7 percent of the recruited foreign
workers’

FULL TEXT: JEDDAH/DAMMAM — A Ministry of Labor report on hiring citizens and
recruiting expatriates shows that 116,481 citizens were employed while 1.7
million expatriates were recruited in the fiscal year 2009-10. The
expatriates included 1.1 million individuals recruited for the private
sector, 565,000 to work as housemaids and 68,000 to work for the public
sector, the report pointed out.

Of the 116,481 citizens, 60,481 were hired through the ministry’s e-gate and
labor offices while 56,000 were hired directly in the private sector,
according to the report.

It indicated that only a few private employment agencies are still working
in the market but most of them, about 259 offices, quit due to lack of
cooperation on the part of private sector businesses.

Khaled Al-Fakieh, economic expert, said that a quick glance at the figures
of hired Saudis and recruited expats clearly indicates that there is
something wrong with the labor market. “The number of Saudis employed is
seven percent of the recruited foreign workers,” he said.

He called for enforcing Saudization strictly warning businesses against
signing bogus employment contracts with Saudis in order to be classified as
green under the Nitaqat Program. — Okaz/SG

+++SOURCE:Jordan Times 22 Jan.’12:”A year later Egypt activists seek more
revolution” The Associated Press
SUBJECT: Egypt’s activists ‘seek more revolution’

QUOTE:”Revolution for what?”

FULL TEXT:CAIRO — A crowd of anti-military activists suddenly converged on a
bustling Cairo boulevard, erecting makeshift screens and showing videos of
soldiers beating protesters, dragging women on the ground, partially
stripping one and stomping on her chest. Their message: The generals ruling
Egypt have to go.

The activists who led the uprising that toppled Hosni Mubarak last year have
been holding hundreds of so-called flash mobs around the country, in a
campaign they call "Liars". By showing people recent abuses by the military,
they say they have injected new public support for their demand that the
generals quickly surrender power.

But it also raises questions."What do they want?" one passerby, Mohammed
Ali, asked at one such gathering last week.

"Even if [the military] are liars... we are going to get power transferred
to civilians in six months. That is not bad," the 30-year-old said. "It
doesn't deserve all this noise. Let's wait and see."

Wednesday(25 Jan.] marks the first anniversary of the start of the 18-day
wave of protests that toppled Mubarak. Activists are trying to turn public
discontent over lack of change into support for continuing revolutionary
protests. But they face the task of explaining to Egyptians who are sick of
turmoil: Revolution for what?

The revolution's second year, the activists say, must pressure both the
ruling military, which they maintain is as authoritarian as Mubarak, and the
Muslim Brotherhood, which dominates the new parliament and which they fear
is allying itself with the generals.

The anniversary shows the tensions. Each of the country's power brokers has
its own plans to mark the day, underlining the stark differences over the
very meaning of the revolution and raising the potential for a clash. State
and pro-military media blare warnings that the protesters aim to "burn the
country", raising concerns over a crackdown.

The activists are organising new nationwide protests for the occasion.
Thousands rallied in Tahrir Square on Friday[20 Jan.], kicking off what they
say will be several days of demonstrations, including Monday when parliament
convenes and on the Wednesday anniversary.

The military has put together its own elaborate January 25 celebrations,
declaring the day a national holiday. It plans a nationwide air show,
including flyovers by warplanes that it boasts will be bigger than those it
holds for anniversaries of the 1952 coup that first brought the generals to
the helm of Egyptian politics. Other planes will drop gift coupons to the
public. Officers will be decorated for their role helping the anti-Mubarak
protests.

The military's message is that it supported the anti-Mubarak uprising, but
the time for revolution is over.

"Stability is the first goal," said Maj. Gen. Ismail Etman, a member of the
military council that took power after Mubarak's February 11 fall. "If there
is tension between the people and the armed forces, it must be removed ...
We want the big family to enjoy love and stability."

For the activists and many others in Egypt, the army celebrations aim to
co-opt their movement.

"We are not going down to celebrate, we are going to finish our revolution,"
activist Ahmed Imam said at a news conference by youth movements this week.
"We will not celebrate while the blood of martyrs is shed without
retribution. ... We will not celebrate, because they are liars."

Critics say the military is keeping the status quo with a slight reshuffle
of the cards but with the same authoritarianism and abuses by security
forces, if not worse. They point to almost 100 protesters killed in military
crackdowns since Mubarak's fall, some run over by armoured vehicles. Nearly
12,000 civilians have been tried by military tribunals, and female
protesters have been subjected to humiliating "virginity tests".

They say the revolution's vision of "freedom, social justice and dignity"
has been aborted in favour of an emerging ruling coalition between the
Islamists and the military.

The difficulty for the activists is that a transition plan is in place, set
by the generals and backed by the Brotherhood.

The military promises to transfer power to an elected civilian president by
the end of June. Before that, a constitution is to be written by a committee
chosen by the Islamist-controlled parliament while the generals are still in
charge.

Brotherhood officials deny any alliance with the military. They say they
want the army to step down, but maintain parliament not protests can ensure
they do so. They warn protesters endanger the process by creating turmoil.

Ahmed Abou Baraka, a leading Brotherhood member, said the revolution against
Mubarak aimed "to grant the people sovereignty and build a state based on
the rule of law".

Protests must be "within the law and ...uphold the higher interests of the
state", he said.

The "Liars" campaign — "Kazeboon" in Arabic — has been a new way for
revolutionaries to reach out to a sceptical public.

Hundreds of impromptu street shows highlighting military abuses have been
put on around the country in past weeks, sometimes more than 10 a day. The
campaign has mobilized thousands of volunteers, a sign of the activists'
increasing reach, said Rasha Azab, an organiser.

"Kazeboon is a bridge between the street and the square ... They are now
seeing that Tahrir is no longer the only expression of the revolution," she
said. "They cornered us in the square. Now there are 50 squares."

Many of the gatherings have been harassed by hecklers the activists believe
are hired. At this week's flash mob in Cairo's Mohandessin district, young
men tried to disrupt the show. One shouted that the screen and video
projectors had to be packed up in five minutes. Across the street, another
yelled, "Down with revolution".

Still, the activists' plan for the future remains hazy. They want the
military to step aside, but are divided about whether it should hand
executive powers to the parliament, a president or to a council of
civilians.

Some fear handing power to the parliament would further strengthen the
Brotherhood.

"We would replace a tyrant with no popularity and a corrupt majority, with a
tyrant supported by religious legitimacy and an organised majority," said
Abdel-Gelil Al Sharnoubi, a former Brotherhood member who since last year's
revolution has become a fervent opponent.

Ahmed Maher, of the April 6 activist movement, counters that it is the best
tactic to draw the Brotherhood away from the military.

"They are civilians. We will argue with them, negotiate, fight, whatever,"
said Maher. "But with the military council, they will drive over us with
armored vehicles."

Despite disagreements, the activists' main intention remains to use street
pressure for the long haul.

"It is hard ... [but] we are creating a new country, we are creating the
future," said Lobna Darwish, an activist with Mosireen, a media collective
that produces most Kazeboon videos. "It is not even a choice — when you see
people die ... you feel this is a commitment to go on."

At the Kazeboon rally, Mostafa Abou Al Wafa parked his motorcycle and joined
the crowd. He intends to attend the activists' anniversary rallies, his
first ever protest.

Nothing has changed under the military, the 26-year-old delivery man said,
pointing to a recent bribe he had to pay to get his motorcycle licensed.

"The military council has no shame," he said. "I will go with what these
people are saying."

+++SOURCE: Jordan Times 22 Jan.’12:”Hesitant Arab Syria response leaving
Jordan with ‘few good options’ “by Taylor Luck

SUBJECT: Arab League response Syria/ Impact on Jordan

QUOTE: Jordan is expected to reaffirm its position on maintaining an ‘Arab
solution’ to the Syrian conflict”

FULL TEXT:AMMAN — As Arab foreign ministers gather in Cairo today to reasses
the Arab League’s response to the ongoing crisis in Syria, the debate will
likely present several diplomatic challenges for Jordan, observers say.

With its own position tied to Arab consensus, observers say decision makers
in Amman are left with few “good options” amidst warning signs that the
10-month-old crisis in its northern neighbour may be heading towards civil
strife.

A series of competing proposals and suggestions have been made, ranging from
withdrawing the Arab League’s one-month-old observer mission to deploying
Arab troops onto Syrian soil.

Amidst the competing calls, one aspect is clear, according to analysts: The
ongoing failure of the Arab League initiative to halt a military crackdown
that has claimed the lives of over 5,000 civilians has placed Jordan in a
“difficult spot”.

“It is difficult to have killings on your doorstep but at the same time
geopolitical and economic realities have left Jordan with few attractive
options,” said Marwan Muasher, former minister of foreign affairs and
currently vice president for studies at the Carnegie Endowment.

A major dispute arises over the role of observers, with competing views on
whether to increase the number of observers or to end the mission
altogether.

According to diplomatic sources, there are no plans to withdraw Jordan’s
team of 12 observers — the largest single contingent in the observer
mission — with Amman likely to support efforts to extend the observer
mission as the “best worst case scenario”.

“Jordan will continue to support efforts to give the Arab League every
opportunity to carry out the Arab initiative to end the crisis,” said Samih
Maaytah, political observer and head of Al Arab Al Yawm daily’s editorial
board.

In today’s meetings, Jordan is expected to reaffirm its position on
maintaining an “Arab solution” to the Syrian conflict, a position that
analysts say Amman will find increasingly difficult to maintain following
the struggles of an observer mission some claim was “doomed from the start”.

“The observers had no training and a limited mandate, and issued statements
that were heavily criticised. This experience has shattered public faith in
the Arab League’s ability to bring a solution to the Syrian crisis,” said
Nasooh Majali, political observer and former minister of information.

“Right now the Arab League’s response is aiding the Syrian regime and not
the people, and this poses a real challenge to Jordan,” he added.

Despite the faltering monitoring mission, efforts to escalate the Arab
response, such as Qatari Emir Hamad Al Thani’s suggestion to dispatch Arab
troops to bring an end to the conflict, are unlikely to draw any support
from Jordan.

“Sending Arab troops to an Arab state is a very difficult decision to make.
We have only seen it a couple of times in history,” noted Muasher.

“It is difficult to see Jordan supporting such a position at this time.”

Complicating Jordan’s position regarding the Arab consensus on Syria is the
role of the Syrian opposition, with the Free Syrian Army recently announcing
Syrian forces’ withdrawal from the town of Zabadani — marking the small town
on the Lebanese border as the first region in Syria to come under the
control of rebel forces.

Unlike the Libyan experience, which saw Arab governments support armed
opposition groups in the early days of their popular revolt, observers say
Jordan will likely oppose any diplomatic efforts supporting the
transformation of a peaceful revolution in Syria into an armed revolt.

“We don’t want to see civil strife in the Arab world, particularly at Jordan’s
doorstep and Jordan will take measures to prevent this,” said Muasher.

Observers’ hesitance stemming from concerns that any support for the band of
Syrian army defectors may lead to a protracted conflict with unforeseen
consequences.

“Jordan supports the Syrian people’s efforts to secure their basic rights,
but after the experience in Iraq, decision makers will be very cautious of
any proposal to arm rebels,” Maaytah said.

International option

According to observers, the greatest dilemma facing Jordan is the potential
“internationalisation” of the response to the Syrian crisis.

Sunday’s[22 Jan.] gathering of foreign ministers comes amidst renewed calls
by the Syrian opposition for international intervention — with the Syrian
National Council meeting with Arab League Secretary General Nabil Al Arabi
on Saturday[21 Jan.] to urge the body to transfer the file to the UN
Security Council.

His Majesty King Abdullah acknowledged in an interview with The Washington
Post that change will not occur without “greater involvement” of the
international community.

From potential increase in refugees to impacts on the Kingdom’s economy,
observers say decision makers are wary of the “dramatic impact” any
international intervention in Syria will have on the Kingdom.

Officials insist that Jordan would throw its support behind international
intervention, only if decided by the Arab League.

“Jordan’s position is the consensus of the Arab League, and if there is a
decision to transfer the Syrian file to the UN Security Council, Jordan will
support it,” said Ministry of Foreign Affairs Spokesman Mohammed Al Kayed.

Rather than participate in any international response, a diplomatic source
said Jordan will likely take a “lead from behind” approach in any
international involvement, offering logistical support for any international
efforts to establish a protective zone or enforce a no-fly zone over Syria.

“There are concerns that any direct international intervention in Syria will
complicate Jordan’s ties with other states in the region,” said the source.

As the Arab League struggle to craft a united response and the violence in
Syria continues, analysts say prospects are dimming for Amman’s most desired
outcome in the protracted crisis.

“Jordan will continue to hold out for a swift end to the violence and a
peaceful transition of power and reconciliation,” Muasher said. “This is the
true solution
============
Sue Lerner - Associate, IMRA