[Dr. Aaron Lerner - IMRA: So you are Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and have
the opportunity to present Israel's position to an important audience via an
interview with Time Magazine.

Do you detail developments in Gaza and warn that they constitute a "clear
and present danger"?

Do you warn about the failure to disarm Hizbullah and the massive flow of
weapons that have rearmed them since last summer?

Do you explain that its one thing for the Arabs to enter negotiations
demanding everything but the kitchen sink - but quite different for them to
offer to negotiate only if Israel agrees to those demands?

Do you explain why the maximalist Arab territorial demand are not workable?

Well. If that's what you would do then you aren't Olmert.

Instead Olmert leaves the impression that the problem in Gaza is that
rockets are being fired - that you don't really mind that the Palestinians
exploit the security hiatus (aka ceasefire) to build a huge army armed to
the teeth along with unprecedented military constructions as long as they
don't shoot.

Olmert's narrative regarding Lebanon is designed more to claim success than
promote Israel's interests.

And his remarks about the Arab initiative fail to lay the groundwork for an
understanding of Israel's position on final status issues covered by the
initiative.]

===================

Olmert Speaks
Time Thursday, Mar. 29, 2007
www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1604593,00.html

TIME: You're suddenly so popular with Condi. She keeps coming on back and
back. Is this just maintenance or how do you see this process unfolding?

Olmert: Condi and I share the same desire, we want to move forward. We want
things to happen. We certainly don't want things to get stuck... I'm
somewhat disappointed by the movement into a negative direction of the
Palestinians, the Mecca agreement. I was not unhappy that the Palestinians
found a way not to shoot at each other; Israel was never interested in a
bloody, violent confrontation among the Palestinian organizations, so to
that degree the Mecca agreement was not something that we protest. But the
political framework and lack of clear and explicit recognition of the
Quartet principles is lacking... Hamas didn't make any change in any of
[the] principles which characterize Hamas. And so, the Haniyeh government is
a big victory for Hamas, even if the number of ministers under them is
smaller, considering they have absolute majority in parliament anyway.

I remind you that Abu Mazen said time and again that "I will not agree to
have a government with Haniyeh as prime minister." And I'm talking about a
person, Haniyeh, who is a terrorist. There should be no misunderstanding
about that. Just lately, Haniyeh transferred over a million dollars for a
group of terrorists to carry out terrorist actions against Israeli citizens.

TIME: Tranferred from where to where?

Olmert: Funds that were received from outside to one of the military
branches of Hamas for the explicit purpose of carrying out terrorist
actions. He's a terrorist. You have a terrorist who is prime minister of the
Palestinian authority now. The lack of government - they make one step
forward in the wrong direction, they authorized continuous resistance - and
this is the code for terror. So how can one government effectively fight
terror when it is committed to carry out terror?

TIME: This doesn't seem like the most wonderful time for the U.S. to press
for diplomacy between the Israelis and the Palestinians.

Olmert: I said there was a certain setback. On the other hand - and this is
what I feel independently of the agenda of the
Secretary of State - I don't want to block every contact with the
Palestinians, I think that would be a mistake, and I think that Abu Mazen
has an independent status as democratically elected head of the Palestinian
people, and it's important if I will talk with him.

TIME: Any specific areas where progress can be made?

Olmert: First, most important, at the end of the day, what will dictate mood
in Middle East? Will it be the quality of life for the Palestinians? How can
we help build an economy, giving them opportunities for a better life, how
will they be free to move around their territories, their cities and not
feel they are under continuous pressure - if it's not necessary for
security? How will we facilitate the movement of goods, back and forth to
Gaza, for instance... I want them to live better, and I think that the
better off they will be, the less bitter they will be, and that is not
insignificant in the context of feelings that are part of our life here...

The other subject I'd like to discuss with Abu Mazen is what is he actually
doing in order to defeat terror, to stop violence from his side. By the way,
you should all remember that in November last year, we announced a
cease-fire in Gaza. And since the announcement there was not one day without
Kassam rocket shooting in south Israel and we did not even respond even one
time. It is not so simple - you are familiar enough with spirit of Israeli
politics and the manners in which the political attacks are carried out by
some of my opponents, and this is not the obvious reaction to refrain from
responding to Kassam rockets for four months. I did it because it's always
the temptation to resort to the use of force, and sometimes it's inevitable.
But I'm doing everything in my power to refrain from it unless it can't be
possible, and because I hope that ultimately the Palestinians will carry out
their security plans and will exercise their authority to stop violations of
cease-fire.

TIME: Clearly, you're not in the most comfortable political position right
now. Is there anything dramatic that you can do to turn your situation
around, or is it just the daily slog towards renewed respectability?

Olmert: I'm not in the most comfortable position, but I think my government
is very stable, perhaps more stable than any government in modern Israeli
history. Fact is, [if] you look back over the last few months that have been
very difficult politically, there hasn't been one single move that we
haven't been able to carry out because of political difficulties or lack of
support in parliament. We passed the budget in January, for the first time
in maybe 20 years - so quickly, and without changes, no political pressures.
This is very dramatic in Israeli politics. All the reshuffles, changes of
committee heads, in this respect, the government is quite stable. But the
political atmosphere is uncomfortable, no question about it, and I'd be the
last person to ignore this.

TIME: Syria's President Bashar al-Assad said he was willing to resume
negotiations with Israel... Why not reach out at this point to Syria? I
understand there were low-level contacts.

Olmert: I wasn't part of these low-level contacts, they weren't serious, and
weren't considered so by the Syrians. It wasn't a measure for anything. But
it's a valid question. Why not? I wouldn't say no. I never say no. But if
you want to succeed in moving forward... then he has to be prepared in a way
that will create better chances for successful completion. Therefore we need
patience and... we [must] be certain that when we talk about negotiations
for peace with Syria that what we have in mind and what they have in mind is
broadly the same... I don't rule out negotiations with Syria. It just needs
to be done in a manner that will guarantee that we can move forward rather
than get stuck almost in the beginning.

TIME: What about the other peace initiatives going around, with the Arab
Quartet and specifically the Saudis?

Olmert: I can tell you that if I'd had an opportunity to meet with King
Abdullah of the Saudis - which I have not - he would be very surprised to
hear what I have to say. I look very favorably at the active role Saudis are
now playing in the Middle East for many years. In the past there were
concerns about the role of the Saudis I think that now the influence of
restraint and responsibility and the vision which is manifested by His
Majesty's very interesting - and it's not a secret that I read carefully the
Saudi initiative - and it's a very interesting approach. It's not a
political document, not well-defined to the last dot. It's an approach, an
attitude, a state of mind, and I like this state of mind. I guess there all
kinds of details that I would easily accept and some that I may not. But the
strategy is different, and it's interesting.

TIME: What makes it different?

Olmert: It says, clear-cut, in the most explicit manner that the resolution
of the conflict with Israel should not be made by violent measures and that
the Arab countries ultimately should recognize the state of Israel and its
right to exist. It sounds so simple. What's the big deal? But can you get
[Hamas leader] Khaled Meshal to say it, or the other terrorist organizations
to spell it out explicitly? Ismael Haniyeh? So sometimes the simplest things
that look so natural for all of us - the way we look at things - are the
most difficult . But to have crossed this threshold, I think the Saudis have
made a dramatic impact. And as I say, if I'd met with the Saudi leader, I
think he would have been surprised to hear what I have to say, and I hope
that he will continue to move in the direction he has set so far.

TIME: And what would surprise King Abdullah?

Olmert: If he reads about it in TIME, he wouldn't be surprised.

TIME: What has been the impact of... the war in Iraq... on your country's
security?

Olmert: ...As far as the security of Israel is concerned, of course what
happens in Iraq is of significant consequence to the stability not just to
my country, but to the entire region, to this axis of moderate Arab
countries... We very much hope that there will be a clear-cut American
victory in Iraq. And I think if you were to interview leaders of moderate
Arab countries they would say the same.

TIME: How would you define that U.S. victory?

Olmert: By the growing democratization and growing unity in Iraq. A united
Iraq, with a democratic administration, can be revolutionary to the entire
region, and can put in a corner the radical forces which now threaten the
foundations of the entire region... Victory of moderate forces will help
bring peace to us and the Palestinians.

TIME: And Iran?

Olmert: Iran is a very serious issue, and only a strong America can pull the
forces together to stop Iran from becoming a nuclear power. And a strong
America has to be successful in Iraq. It's a pre-condition. If it fails
there, it will not have the power to mobilize international forces to stop
Iran. I'm not talking about a military operation. I'm a great believer in
concerted diplomatic and economic effort that can stop Iran. I can see signs
that there is an impact. Therefore I'm looking for the new U.N. resolution
that will add another dimension to this. I'm really optimistic. I suggest
that we will be realistic. There is growing opposition in the international
community to nuclearization of Iran. I haven't lost hope. The Russians are
becoming more aggressive... I think Russians are genuine when they say they
are against the nuclearization of Iran. I think the Chinese are... If it
continues in this direction, I'm quite hopeful. But if there will be a
perception of American failure in Iraq, the encouragement to radical forces
in all the moderate Arab countries can be critical, and that's why, the way
we look at it here, we so much wish that there will not be no premature
pull-out by America...

TIME: Last time I was here, you laid out a visionary plan - you went beyond
[former Prime Minister Ariel] Sharon, you were talking about withdrawals
from the West Bank.

Olmert: I haven't ruled out withdrawals from the West Bank.

TIME: You didn't win a war, everyone's corrupt and nobody's popular. I don't
think I've ever talked to a politician whose poll ratings are lower than
yours. How are you going to face this crisis?

Olmert: First, of course, I think we didn't lose the war, and not everyone
is corrupt and so on and so forth.

TIME: I said you didn't win the war.

Olmert: [Pauses, appears angry] And I say we won the war. We may not have
won the psychological expectations of all Israeli people, but we've changed
realities in Lebanon. With the passage of time, it will become clearer, the
fact is southern Lebanon is entirely different today from what it was a year
ago. The threats to Israeli are entirely different from a year ago. There's
no question about it. One can expect more from the Lebanese army and one can
hope that UNIFIL will be more aggressive, but the fact is there is not one
single Hizballah person who surfaces on the ground with a gun since 14
August last year. That's a dramatic difference in the south of Lebanon, and
that was the cause of the war. And the impact of Hizballah in the politics
of Lebanon isn't what it used to be, certainly not what they expected. It's
obvious that [Hizballah leader Sheikh Hassan] Nasrallah is much weaker. This
was not the knockout, but it was a clear-cut victory for what we wanted to
achieve. I don't regret my decision. And on the way, we found out some of
the weaknesses that had penetrated into our own system as a result [of the
fact] that for six years, we were mostly involved in fighting terrorists in
refugee camps in the immediate surroundings here, and we somewhat ignored
the growing threat and strategic role that Hizballah was destined to play by
Iran against U.S. This is positive for Israel.

And I certainly don't think that everybody is corrupt in Israel. But I do
think the political mood is very unpleasant, no question about it... Now I'm
a year here after elections, and I promise you that when you come back in a
year my popularity will be very different... I believe in my power to carry
on, that I'm doing the right things when I see when I see the Israeli
economy flourishing the way it does, when unemployment is going down
dramatically, and the network of international relationship we've built,
it's good news for Israel. Not without disagreements, misunderstandings, but
that's natural. But when I see how I can get on the phone to almost every
world leader and sort out issues and discuss them in a friendly manner, I
think I'm doing the right things, and I know the day will come when most
Israelis will look at it like this. I'm optimistic. If I wasn't optimistic I
wouldn't be sitting in this room right now. You know don't become prime
minister in Israel unless you're optimistic. You know what Ben Gurion said?
That in Israel, to be a realist is to believe in miracles. I'm not that kind
of realist. I don't believe in miracles; I believe in hard work, simple
human decency and the ability to remain loyal to your grand vision, and
never lose sight of goals.

I'm a long[-distance] runner. I jog for 10, 15 kilometers [8-10 miles], and
long running takes time, you have to pace your force in such a way that you
will not lose it too early, and you'll have enough energy when you're moving
forward to the goals.