The White House

Office of the Press Secretary

For Immediate Release

May 19, 2011

Remarks by the President on the Middle East and North Africa

State Department, Washington, DC

12:15 P.M. EDT
http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2011/05/19/remarks-president-middle-east-and-north-africa

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you very much.
Thank you. Please, have a seat. Thank you very much. I want to begin by
thanking Hillary Clinton, who has traveled so much these last six months
that she is approaching a new landmark -- one million frequent flyer miles.
(Laughter.) I count on Hillary every single day, and I believe that she
will go down as one of the finest Secretaries of State in our nation’s
history.

The State Department is a fitting venue to mark a new chapter in American
diplomacy. For six months, we have witnessed an extraordinary change taking
place in the Middle East and North Africa. Square by square, town by town,
country by country, the people have risen up to demand their basic human
rights. Two leaders have stepped aside. More may follow. And though these
countries may be a great distance from our shores, we know that our own
future is bound to this region by the forces of economics and security, by
history and by faith.

Today, I want to talk about this change -- the forces that are driving it
and how we can respond in a way that advances our values and strengthens our
security.

Now, already, we’ve done much to shift our foreign policy following a decade
defined by two costly conflicts. After years of war in Iraq, we’ve removed
100,000 American troops and ended our combat mission there. In Afghanistan,
we’ve broken the Taliban’s momentum, and this July we will begin to bring
our troops home and continue a transition to Afghan lead. And after years
of war against al Qaeda and its affiliates, we have dealt al Qaeda a huge
blow by killing its leader, Osama bin Laden.

Bin Laden was no martyr. He was a mass murderer who offered a message of
hate –- an insistence that Muslims had to take up arms against the West, and
that violence against men, women and children was the only path to change.
He rejected democracy and individual rights for Muslims in favor of violent
extremism; his agenda focused on what he could destroy -– not what he could
build.

Bin Laden and his murderous vision won some adherents. But even before his
death, al Qaeda was losing its struggle for relevance, as the overwhelming
majority of people saw that the slaughter of innocents did not answer their
cries for a better life. By the time we found bin Laden, al Qaeda’s agenda
had come to be seen by the vast majority of the region as a dead end, and
the people of the Middle East and North Africa had taken their future into
their own hands.

That story of self-determination began six months ago in Tunisia. On
December 17th, a young vendor named Mohammed Bouazizi was devastated when a
police officer confiscated his cart. This was not unique. It’s the same
kind of humiliation that takes place every day in many parts of the world -–
the relentless tyranny of governments that deny their citizens dignity.
Only this time, something different happened. After local officials refused
to hear his complaints, this young man, who had never been particularly
active in politics, went to the headquarters of the provincial government,
doused himself in fuel, and lit himself on fire.

There are times in the course of history when the actions of ordinary
citizens spark movements for change because they speak to a longing for
freedom that has been building up for years. In America, think of the
defiance of those patriots in Boston who refused to pay taxes to a King, or
the dignity of Rosa Parks as she sat courageously in her seat. So it was in
Tunisia, as that vendor’s act of desperation tapped into the frustration
felt throughout the country. Hundreds of protesters took to the streets,
then thousands. And in the face of batons and sometimes bullets, they
refused to go home –- day after day, week after week -- until a dictator of
more than two decades finally left power.

The story of this revolution, and the ones that followed, should not have
come as a surprise. The nations of the Middle East and North Africa won
their independence long ago, but in too many places their people did not.
In too many countries, power has been concentrated in the hands of a few.
In too many countries, a citizen like that young vendor had nowhere to
urn -– no honest judiciary to hear his case; no independent media to give
him voice; no credible political party to represent his views; no free and
fair election where he could choose his leader.

And this lack of self-determination –- the chance to make your life what you
will –- has applied to the region’s economy as well. Yes, some nations are
blessed with wealth in oil and gas, and that has led to pockets of
prosperity. But in a global economy based on knowledge, based on
innovation, no development strategy can be based solely upon what comes out
of the ground. Nor can people reach their potential when you cannot start a
business without paying a bribe.

In the face of these challenges, too many leaders in the region tried to
direct their people’s grievances elsewhere. The West was blamed as the
source of all ills, a half-century after the end of colonialism. Antagonism
toward Israel became the only acceptable outlet for political expression.
Divisions of tribe, ethnicity and religious sect were manipulated as a means
of holding on to power, or taking it away from somebody else.

But the events of the past six months show us that strategies of repression
and strategies of diversion will not work anymore. Satellite television and
the Internet provide a window into the wider world -– a world of astonishing
progress in places like India and Indonesia and Brazil. Cell phones and
social networks allow young people to connect and organize like never
before. And so a new generation has emerged. And their voices tell us that
change cannot be denied.

In Cairo, we heard the voice of the young mother who said, “It’s like I can
finally breathe fresh air for the first time.”

In Sanaa, we heard the students who chanted, “The night must come to an
end.”

In Benghazi, we heard the engineer who said, “Our words are free now. It’s
a feeling you can’t explain.”

In Damascus, we heard the young man who said, “After the first yelling, the
first shout, you feel dignity.”

Those shouts of human dignity are being heard across the region. And
through the moral force of nonviolence, the people of the region have
achieved more change in six months than terrorists have accomplished in
decades.

Of course, change of this magnitude does not come easily. In our day and
age -– a time of 24-hour news cycles and constant communication –- people
expect the transformation of the region to be resolved in a matter of weeks.
But it will be years before this story reaches its end. Along the way,
there will be good days and there will bad days. In some places, change
will be swift; in others, gradual. And as we’ve already seen, calls for
change may give way, in some cases, to fierce contests for power.

The question before us is what role America will play as this story unfolds.
For decades, the United States has pursued a set of core interests in the
region: countering terrorism and stopping the spread of nuclear weapons;
securing the free flow of commerce and safe-guarding the security of the
region; standing up for Israel’s security and pursuing Arab-Israeli peace.

We will continue to do these things, with the firm belief that America’s
interests are not hostile to people’s hopes; they’re essential to them. We
believe that no one benefits from a nuclear arms race in the region, or al
Qaeda’s brutal attacks. We believe people everywhere would see their
economies crippled by a cut-off in energy supplies. As we did in the Gulf
War, we will not tolerate aggression across borders, and we will keep our
commitments to friends and partners.

Yet we must acknowledge that a strategy based solely upon the narrow pursuit
of these interests will not fill an empty stomach or allow someone to speak
their mind. Moreover, failure to speak to the broader aspirations of
ordinary people will only feed the suspicion that has festered for years
that the United States pursues our interests at their expense. Given that
this mistrust runs both ways –- as Americans have been seared by
hostage-taking and violent rhetoric and terrorist attacks that have killed
thousands of our citizens -– a failure to change our approach threatens a
deepening spiral of division between the United States and the Arab world.

And that’s why, two years ago in Cairo, I began to broaden our engagement
based upon mutual interests and mutual respect. I believed then -– and I
believe now -– that we have a stake not just in the stability of nations,
but in the self-determination of individuals. The status quo is not
sustainable. Societies held together by fear and repression may offer the
illusion of stability for a time, but they are built upon fault lines that
will eventually tear asunder.

So we face a historic opportunity. We have the chance to show that America
values the dignity of the street vendor in Tunisia more than the raw power
of the dictator. There must be no doubt that the United States of America
welcomes change that advances self-determination and opportunity. Yes,
there will be perils that accompany this moment of promise. But after
decades of accepting the world as it is in the region, we have a chance to
pursue the world as it should be.

Of course, as we do, we must proceed with a sense of humility. It’s not
America that put people into the streets of Tunis or Cairo -– it was the
people themselves who launched these movements, and it’s the people
themselves that must ultimately determine their outcome.

Not every country will follow our particular form of representative
democracy, and there will be times when our short-term interests don’t align
perfectly with our long-term vision for the region. But we can, and we
will, speak out for a set of core principles –- principles that have guided
our response to the events over the past six months:

The United States opposes the use of violence and repression against the
people of the region. (Applause.)

The United States supports a set of universal rights. And these rights
include free speech, the freedom of peaceful assembly, the freedom of
religion, equality for men and women under the rule of law, and the right to
choose your own leaders -– whether you live in Baghdad or Damascus, Sanaa
or Tehran.

And we support political and economic reform in the Middle East and North
Africa that can meet the legitimate aspirations of ordinary people
throughout the region.

Our support for these principles is not a secondary interest. Today I want
to make it clear that it is a top priority that must be translated into
concrete actions, and supported by all of the diplomatic, economic and
strategic tools at our disposal.

Let me be specific. First, it will be the policy of the United States to
promote reform across the region, and to support transitions to democracy.
That effort begins in Egypt and Tunisia, where the stakes are high -– as
Tunisia was at the vanguard of this democratic wave, and Egypt is both a
longstanding partner and the Arab world’s largest nation. Both nations can
set a strong example through free and fair elections, a vibrant civil
society, accountable and effective democratic institutions, and responsible
regional leadership. But our support must also extend to nations where
transitions have yet to take place.

Unfortunately, in too many countries, calls for change have thus far been
answered by violence. The most extreme example is Libya, where Muammar
Qaddafi launched a war against his own people, promising to hunt them down
like rats. As I said when the United States joined an international
coalition to intervene, we cannot prevent every injustice perpetrated by a
regime against its people, and we have learned from our experience in Iraq
just how costly and difficult it is to try to impose regime change by
force -– no matter how well-intentioned it may be.

But in Libya, we saw the prospect of imminent massacre, we had a mandate for
action, and heard the Libyan people’s call for help. Had we not acted along
with our NATO allies and regional coalition partners, thousands would have
been killed. The message would have been clear: Keep power by killing as
many people as it takes. Now, time is working against Qaddafi. He does not
have control over his country. The opposition has organized a legitimate
and credible Interim Council. And when Qaddafi inevitably leaves or is
forced from power, decades of provocation will come to an end, and the
transition to a democratic Libya can proceed.

While Libya has faced violence on the greatest scale, it’s not the only
place where leaders have turned to repression to remain in power. Most
recently, the Syrian regime has chosen the path of murder and the mass
arrests of its citizens. The United States has condemned these actions, and
working with the international community we have stepped up our sanctions on
the Syrian regime –- including sanctions announced yesterday on President
Assad and those around him.

The Syrian people have shown their courage in demanding a transition to
democracy. President Assad now has a choice: He can lead that transition,
or get out of the way. The Syrian government must stop shooting
demonstrators and allow peaceful protests. It must release political
prisoners and stop unjust arrests. It must allow human rights monitors to
have access to cities like Dara’a; and start a serious dialogue to advance a
democratic transition. Otherwise, President Assad and his regime will
continue to be challenged from within and will continue to be isolated
abroad.

So far, Syria has followed its Iranian ally, seeking assistance from Tehran
in the tactics of suppression. And this speaks to the hypocrisy of the
Iranian regime, which says it stand for the rights of protesters abroad, yet
represses its own people at home. Let’s remember that the first peaceful
protests in the region were in the streets of Tehran, where the government
brutalized women and men, and threw innocent people into jail. We still
hear the chants echo from the rooftops of Tehran. The image of a young
woman dying in the streets is still seared in our memory. And we will
continue to insist that the Iranian people deserve their universal rights,
and a government that does not smother their aspirations.

Now, our opposition to Iran’s intolerance and Iran’s repressive measures, as
well as its illicit nuclear program and its support of terror, is well
known. But if America is to be credible, we must acknowledge that at times
our friends in the region have not all reacted to the demands for consistent
change -- with change that’s consistent with the principles that I’ve
outlined today. That’s true in Yemen, where President Saleh needs to follow
through on his commitment to transfer power. And that’s true today in
Bahrain.

Bahrain is a longstanding partner, and we are committed to its security. We
recognize that Iran has tried to take advantage of the turmoil there, and
that the Bahraini government has a legitimate interest in the rule of law.

Nevertheless, we have insisted both publicly and privately that mass arrests
and brute force are at odds with the universal rights of Bahrain’s citizens,
and we will -- and such steps will not make legitimate calls for reform go
away. The only way forward is for the government and opposition to engage
in a dialogue, and you can’t have a real dialogue when parts of the peaceful
opposition are in jail. (Applause.) The government must create the
conditions for dialogue, and the opposition must participate to forge a just
future for all Bahrainis.

Indeed, one of the broader lessons to be drawn from this period is that
sectarian divides need not lead to conflict. In Iraq, we see the promise of
a multiethnic, multisectarian democracy. The Iraqi people have rejected the
perils of political violence in favor of a democratic process, even as they’ve
taken full responsibility for their own security. Of course, like all new
democracies, they will face setbacks. But Iraq is poised to play a key role
in the region if it continues its peaceful progress. And as they do, we
will be proud to stand with them as a steadfast partner.

So in the months ahead, America must use all our influence to encourage
reform in the region. Even as we acknowledge that each country is
different, we need to speak honestly about the principles that we believe
in, with friend and foe alike. Our message is simple: If you take the
risks that reform entails, you will have the full support of the United
States.

We must also build on our efforts to broaden our engagement beyond elites,
so that we reach the people who will shape the future -– particularly young
people. We will continue to make good on the commitments that I made in
Cairo -– to build networks of entrepreneurs and expand exchanges in
education, to foster cooperation in science and technology, and combat
disease. Across the region, we intend to provide assistance to civil
society, including those that may not be officially sanctioned, and who
speak uncomfortable truths. And we will use the technology to connect
with -– and listen to –- the voices of the people.

For the fact is, real reform does not come at the ballot box alone. Through
our efforts we must support those basic rights to speak your mind and access
information. We will support open access to the Internet, and the right of
journalists to be heard -– whether it’s a big news organization or a lone
blogger. In the 21st century, information is power, the truth cannot be
hidden, and the legitimacy of governments will ultimately depend on active
and informed citizens.

Such open discourse is important even if what is said does not square with
our worldview. Let me be clear, America respects the right of all peaceful
and law-abiding voices to be heard, even if we disagree with them. And
sometimes we profoundly disagree with them.

We look forward to working with all who embrace genuine and inclusive
democracy. What we will oppose is an attempt by any group to restrict the
rights of others, and to hold power through coercion and not consent.
Because democracy depends not only on elections, but also strong and
accountable institutions, and the respect for the rights of minorities.

Such tolerance is particularly important when it comes to religion. In
Tahrir Square, we heard Egyptians from all walks of life chant, “Muslims,
Christians, we are one.” America will work to see that this spirit
prevails -– that all faiths are respected, and that bridges are built among
them. In a region that was the birthplace of three world religions,
intolerance can lead only to suffering and stagnation. And for this season
of change to succeed, Coptic Christians must have the right to worship
freely in Cairo, just as Shia must never have their mosques destroyed in
Bahrain.

What is true for religious minorities is also true when it comes to the
rights of women. History shows that countries are more prosperous and more
peaceful when women are empowered. And that’s why we will continue to
insist that universal rights apply to women as well as men -– by focusing
assistance on child and maternal health; by helping women to teach, or start
a business; by standing up for the right of women to have their voices
heard, and to run for office. The region will never reach its full
potential when more than half of its population is prevented from achieving
their full potential. (Applause.)

Now, even as we promote political reform, even as we promote human rights in
the region, our efforts can’t stop there. So the second way that we must
support positive change in the region is through our efforts to advance
economic development for nations that are transitioning to democracy.

After all, politics alone has not put protesters into the streets. The
tipping point for so many people is the more constant concern of putting
food on the table and providing for a family. Too many people in the region
wake up with few expectations other than making it through the day, perhaps
hoping that their luck will change. Throughout the region, many young
people have a solid education, but closed economies leave them unable to
find a job. Entrepreneurs are brimming with ideas, but corruption leaves
them unable to profit from those ideas.

The greatest untapped resource in the Middle East and North Africa is the
talent of its people. In the recent protests, we see that talent on
display, as people harness technology to move the world. It’s no
coincidence that one of the leaders of Tahrir Square was an executive for
Google. That energy now needs to be channeled, in country after country, so
that economic growth can solidify the accomplishments of the street. For
just as democratic revolutions can be triggered by a lack of individual
opportunity, successful democratic transitions depend upon an expansion of
growth and broad-based prosperity.

So, drawing from what we’ve learned around the world, we think it’s
important to focus on trade, not just aid; on investment, not just
assistance. The goal must be a model in which protectionism gives way to
openness, the reigns of commerce pass from the few to the many, and the
economy generates jobs for the young. America’s support for democracy will
therefore be based on ensuring financial stability, promoting reform, and
integrating competitive markets with each other and the global economy. And
we’re going to start with Tunisia and Egypt.

First, we’ve asked the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to
present a plan at next week’s G8 summit for what needs to be done to
stabilize and modernize the economies of Tunisia and Egypt. Together, we
must help them recover from the disruptions of their democratic upheaval,
and support the governments that will be elected later this year. And we
are urging other countries to help Egypt and Tunisia meet its near-term
financial needs.

Second, we do not want a democratic Egypt to be saddled by the debts of its
past. So we will relieve a democratic Egypt of up to $1 billion in debt,
and work with our Egyptian partners to invest these resources to foster
growth and entrepreneurship. We will help Egypt regain access to markets by
guaranteeing $1 billion in borrowing that is needed to finance
infrastructure and job creation. And we will help newly democratic
governments recover assets that were stolen.

Third, we’re working with Congress to create Enterprise Funds to invest in
Tunisia and Egypt. And these will be modeled on funds that supported the
transitions in Eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall. OPIC will
soon launch a $2 billion facility to support private investment across the
region. And we will work with the allies to refocus the European Bank for
Reconstruction and Development so that it provides the same support for
democratic transitions and economic modernization in the Middle East and
North Africa as it has in Europe.

Fourth, the United States will launch a comprehensive Trade and Investment
Partnership Initiative in the Middle East and North Africa. If you take out
oil exports, this entire region of over 400 million people exports roughly
the same amount as Switzerland. So we will work with the EU to facilitate
more trade within the region, build on existing agreements to promote
integration with U.S. and European markets, and open the door for those
countries who adopt high standards of reform and trade liberalization to
construct a regional trade arrangement. And just as EU membership served as
an incentive for reform in Europe, so should the vision of a modern and
prosperous economy create a powerful force for reform in the Middle East and
North Africa.

Prosperity also requires tearing down walls that stand in the way of
progress -– the corruption of elites who steal from their people; the red
tape that stops an idea from becoming a business; the patronage that
distributes wealth based on tribe or sect. We will help governments meet
international obligations, and invest efforts at anti-corruption -- by
working with parliamentarians who are developing reforms, and activists who
use technology to increase transparency and hold government accountable.
Politics and human rights; economic reform.

Let me conclude by talking about another cornerstone of our approach to the
region, and that relates to the pursuit of peace.

For decades, the conflict between Israelis and Arabs has cast a shadow over
the region. For Israelis, it has meant living with the fear that their
children could be blown up on a bus or by rockets fired at their homes, as
well as the pain of knowing that other children in the region are taught to
hate them. For Palestinians, it has meant suffering the humiliation of
occupation, and never living in a nation of their own. Moreover, this
conflict has come with a larger cost to the Middle East, as it impedes
partnerships that could bring greater security and prosperity and
empowerment to ordinary people.

For over two years, my administration has worked with the parties and the
international community to end this conflict, building on decades of work by
previous administrations. Yet expectations have gone unmet. Israeli
settlement activity continues. Palestinians have walked away from talks.
The world looks at a conflict that has grinded on and on and on, and sees
nothing but stalemate. Indeed, there are those who argue that with all the
change and uncertainty in the region, it is simply not possible to move
forward now.

I disagree. At a time when the people of the Middle East and North Africa
are casting off the burdens of the past, the drive for a lasting peace that
ends the conflict and resolves all claims is more urgent than ever. That’s
certainly true for the two parties involved.

For the Palestinians, efforts to delegitimize Israel will end in failure.
Symbolic actions to isolate Israel at the United Nations in September won’t
create an independent state. Palestinian leaders will not achieve peace or
prosperity if Hamas insists on a path of terror and rejection. And
Palestinians will never realize their independence by denying the right of
Israel to exist.

As for Israel, our friendship is rooted deeply in a shared history and
shared values. Our commitment to Israel’s security is unshakeable. And we
will stand against attempts to single it out for criticism in international
forums. But precisely because of our friendship, it’s important that we
tell the truth: The status quo is unsustainable, and Israel too must act
boldly to advance a lasting peace.

The fact is, a growing number of Palestinians live west of the Jordan River.
Technology will make it harder for Israel to defend itself. A region
undergoing profound change will lead to populism in which millions of
people -– not just one or two leaders -- must believe peace is possible.
The international community is tired of an endless process that never
produces an outcome. The dream of a Jewish and democratic state cannot be
fulfilled with permanent occupation.

Now, ultimately, it is up to the Israelis and Palestinians to take action.
No peace can be imposed upon them -- not by the United States; not by
anybody else. But endless delay won’t make the problem go away. What
America and the international community can do is to state frankly what
everyone knows -- a lasting peace will involve two states for two peoples:
Israel as a Jewish state and the homeland for the Jewish people, and the
state of Palestine as the homeland for the Palestinian people, each state
enjoying self-determination, mutual recognition, and peace.

So while the core issues of the conflict must be negotiated, the basis of
those negotiations is clear: a viable Palestine, a secure Israel. The
United States believes that negotiations should result in two states, with
permanent Palestinian borders with Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, and permanent
Israeli borders with Palestine. We believe the borders of Israel and
Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps, so
that secure and recognized borders are established for both states. The
Palestinian people must have the right to govern themselves, and reach their
full potential, in a sovereign and contiguous state.

As for security, every state has the right to self-defense, and Israel must
be able to defend itself -– by itself -– against any threat. Provisions
must also be robust enough to prevent a resurgence of terrorism, to stop the
infiltration of weapons, and to provide effective border security. The full
and phased withdrawal of Israeli military forces should be coordinated with
the assumption of Palestinian security responsibility in a sovereign,
non-militarized state. And the duration of this transition period must be
agreed, and the effectiveness of security arrangements must be demonstrated.

These principles provide a foundation for negotiations. Palestinians should
know the territorial outlines of their state; Israelis should know that
their basic security concerns will be met. I’m aware that these steps alone
will not resolve the conflict, because two wrenching and emotional issues
will remain: the future of Jerusalem, and the fate of Palestinian refugees.
But moving forward now on the basis of territory and security provides a
foundation to resolve those two issues in a way that is just and fair, and
that respects the rights and aspirations of both Israelis and Palestinians.

Now, let me say this: Recognizing that negotiations need to begin with the
issues of territory and security does not mean that it will be easy to come
back to the table. In particular, the recent announcement of an agreement
between Fatah and Hamas raises profound and legitimate questions for Israel:
How can one negotiate with a party that has shown itself unwilling to
recognize your right to exist? And in the weeks and months to come,
Palestinian leaders will have to provide a credible answer to that question.
Meanwhile, the United States, our Quartet partners, and the Arab states will
need to continue every effort to get beyond the current impasse.

I recognize how hard this will be. Suspicion and hostility has been passed
on for generations, and at times it has hardened. But I’m convinced that the
majority of Israelis and Palestinians would rather look to the future than
be trapped in the past. We see that spirit in the Israeli father whose son
was killed by Hamas, who helped start an organization that brought together
Israelis and Palestinians who had lost loved ones. That father said, “I
gradually realized that the only hope for progress was to recognize the face
of the conflict.” We see it in the actions of a Palestinian who lost three
daughters to Israeli shells in Gaza. “I have the right to feel angry,” he
said. “So many people were expecting me to hate. My answer to them is I
shall not hate. Let us hope,” he said, “for tomorrow.”

That is the choice that must be made -– not simply in the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but across the entire region -– a choice
between hate and hope; between the shackles of the past and the promise of
the future. It’s a choice that must be made by leaders and by the people,
and it’s a choice that will define the future of a region that served as the
cradle of civilization and a crucible of strife.

For all the challenges that lie ahead, we see many reasons to be hopeful.
In Egypt, we see it in the efforts of young people who led protests. In
Syria, we see it in the courage of those who brave bullets while chanting,
“peaceful, peaceful.” In Benghazi, a city threatened with destruction, we
see it in the courthouse square where people gather to celebrate the
freedoms that they had never known. Across the region, those rights that we
take for granted are being claimed with joy by those who are prying loose
the grip of an iron fist.

For the American people, the scenes of upheaval in the region may be
unsettling, but the forces driving it are not unfamiliar. Our own nation
was founded through a rebellion against an empire. Our people fought a
painful Civil War that extended freedom and dignity to those who were
enslaved. And I would not be standing here today unless past generations
turned to the moral force of nonviolence as a way to perfect our union –-
organizing, marching, protesting peacefully together to make real those
words that declared our nation: “We hold these truths to be self-evident,
that all men are created equal.”

Those words must guide our response to the change that is transforming the
Middle East and North Africa -– words which tell us that repression will
fail, and that tyrants will fall, and that every man and woman is endowed
with certain inalienable rights.

It will not be easy. There’s no straight line to progress, and hardship
always accompanies a season of hope. But the United States of America was
founded on the belief that people should govern themselves. And now we
cannot hesitate to stand squarely on the side of those who are reaching for
their rights, knowing that their success will bring about a world that is
more peaceful, more stable, and more just.

Thank you very much, everybody. (Applause.) Thank you.

END 1:00 P.M. EDT