India-Israel Defense Cooperation
Alvite Singh Ningthoujam
January 27, 2014
BESA Center Perspectives Paper No. 236
http://besacenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/01/perspectives236.pdf

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: Defense relations between India and Israel are
flourishing. 2013 saw a few minor setbacks, but overall the bilateral arms
trade between New Delhi and Jerusalem will continue to be strong.

Defense relations between India and Israel have come a long way, against all
odds. Israel has emerged as India’s second-largest arms supplier, behind
only Russia, with bilateral arms trade over the last decade estimated at $10
billion. 2013 witnessed major developments in India-Israel defense
cooperation, most of which involved enhancing arms trade and furthering
joint projects. There were certain constraints as well, none of which curbed
ties.

Security Developments in 2013

Israel has carved its niche in India by supplying some of the most
sought-after weapons systems, with the exception of bigger platforms, such
as aircraft. The January 2013 visit to Israel by India’s former air force
commander, Air Marshal N. A. K. Browne, further bolstered ties. Military
officials from both countries discussed upgrading cooperation, specifically
in the area of drones. Browne also expressed India’s desire to acquire
Israeli-made air-to-air missiles, along with other precision-guided
munitions. India also pushed for additional joint missile projects, despite
Israel’s delay in the development of its own joint medium-range
surface-to-air missile project.

In mid-2013, India considered buying Israel’s Iron Dome and David’s Sling
missile defense systems. While at first Indian officials were hesitant to
commit to Iron Dome, on the grounds that it would be ineffective for India’s
long borders and congested air space, it has since been believed that Israel’s
willingness to share the sophisticated technology behind the system may
alter India’s decision. If these deals go through, they will not only
benefit Israel, whose military industries and defense R&D largely depend
upon arms sales, but will also enhance India’s air defense capabilities
against her adversaries.

Constraints on the Defense Relationship

The US as a competitor in India-Israel arms trade surfaced in 2013. The US
has long tried tapping into the Indian defense market, but its reservations
over technology transfers remain a roadblock. However, efforts for such
agreements are underway. The latest example is the US proposal to forge a
joint venture partnership with India for the development of next-generation
Javelin anti-tank missiles. This deal almost caused India to reverse its
decision to purchase Israeli-made Spike anti-tank guided missiles. However,
no major breakthrough has yet been reported, and the Spike was back on the
Indian Army’s acquisition agenda in November 2013.

Another concern was the November 2013 interim nuclear deal between the US
and Iran. With the thawing of US-Iran ties, certain doubts were raised about
the impact of the deal on India-Israel defense cooperation, specifically
because of past defense cooperation between India and Iran. Israel watched
these ties cautiously, concerned that India might transfer Israeli-based
military technology or training to Iran. However, with an agreement for a
nuclear deal between India and the US in 2005, Israel’s worries over
Indo-Iranian defense ties gradually dissipated. The initiative would see
India place its nuclear facilities under the safeguards of the International
Atomic Energy Agency. The US agreed, recognizing India’s non-proliferation
record despite its refusal to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
With certain preconditions from the US, India scaled down its defense ties
with Iran, which have since remained almost non-existent.

India’s increasing focus on Iran has brought the possibility of a resumption
of military ties. In July 2013, the Iranian Ambassador to India expressed
interest in enhancing defense ties with India, a sentiment that was
reciprocated by Indian Defense Minister A. K. Antony. Discussions were held
to initiate more bilateral defense exchanges between the two countries. In
December, two Iranian warships and a submarine paid a “goodwill” visit to
Mumbai, and naval officials from both countries called for close naval
cooperation. In addition, the need for a “framework for joint cooperation
and security for vessels in India’s western waters to the Persian Gulf” was
suggested.

If New Delhi and Tehran succeed in furthering their now-dormant defense
ties, the latter would lure Indian defense planners with its military
equipment such as ground surveillance radar systems, personnel carriers,
drones, destroyers, submarines, and missile-launching frigates. Only time
will tell how the military-security relations between India and Iran unfold.

India and Israel have had a few hiccups in their defense cooperation. India
expressed its displeasure over Israel’s prolonged delay in delivering
weapons systems, as well as a few unsettled cost issues. The disagreements
were mainly over the joint venture between India’s Defense Research and
Development Organization (DRDO) and Israeli Aerospace Industry (IAI) for the
development of long and medium-range surface-to-air missiles. In November
2013, DRDO officials blamed the lack of progress on an Israeli “lack of
transparency and non-transfer of technology.” However, the Israeli media
reported that the long-range missiles project for the Indian Navy is slated
for completion by December 2015, while the medium-range missiles will be
ready for the Indian Air Force in August 2016.

A Positive End to the Year

The November visit to India by Israeli Chief of the Ground Forces Command,
Maj. Gen. Guy Zur, opened more prospects in defense cooperation. Discussions
were held not only on joint military training and exchanges, R&D projects,
and arms deals, but also on the security situation in South Asia and the
Middle East. Combating terrorism, a common problem of both countries, was
discussed intensively.

The visit coincided with India’s decision to reconsider buying Spike
missiles and transfer technology. Furthermore, India and Israel reportedly
agreed to collaborate in the production of high-tech systems for Indian
troops at an estimated cost of $3 billion. For this venture, Israel would
team up with DRDO to produce systems related to command and control,
battlefield management, sensors, and weapons. There is also an additional
joint development program for an advanced mobile observation system designed
for infantry soldiers.

Two major events invigorated India-Israel defense ties. The first was the
closure of the seven-year-old Barak missile kickback case. The original deal
for Barak-1 missiles, at the high cost of nearly $180 million, was inked
during the BJP-led NDA government in 2000. Due to this controversy, leftist
parties demanded that the government refuse all deals with IAI, which was
under investigation for alleged corruption. However, neither IAI nor Rafael
was blacklisted and have instead become two of the most important Israeli
defense firms operating in India.

The Indian defense minister recently closed a deal for the procurement of
262 Barak-1 missiles, at an estimated cost of $143 million. This came as a
great relief for the Indian Navy and its fast-depleting stock of
anti-ballistic missiles for its frontline battleships. All that remains for
the deal to go through is an approval from the Cabinet Committee on Security
(CCS).

The second major event that helped boost Indo-Israeli ties was the CCS
approval of the procurement of nearly 15 Heron Unmanned Aerial Vehicles
(UAVs) from Israel, which will likely enhance reconnaissance and
surveillance capabilities of Indian armed forces along the borders of
Pakistan and China. Currently, the Indian Air Force uses both Israeli-made
Searcher II and Heron UAVs, with about 100 deployed along the borders.

Conclusion

It is evident that defense ties between India and Israel are robust, and the
countries would not like to be undermined by a third party. However, they
should be cognizant of the changing reality of the arms business, where
other potential vendors are queuing up to sell their products. Israel’s
credibility as a reliable arms supplier with limited political implications
should be preserved. The countries should seek utter transparency to allow
the bilateral relationship to continue to flourish. India and Israel share
national security challenges and are thus natural security partners. 2013
was an overall successful year in relations for the two nations, and the
future holds many more potential positive developments.
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Alvite Singh Ningthoujam is a doctoral researcher at the School of
International Studies in Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India. He
also served as a fellow at the BESA Center (2010-2011).

BESA Center Perspectives Papers are published through the generosity of the
Greg Rosshandler Family