The third issue of the Women In Green Sovereignty, containing articles by
Minister Naftali Bennett, Deputy Defense Minister Danny Danon, former MK
Rabbi Haim Druckman, economist Eran Bar-Tal, Dr. Guy Bechor, expert in
international law Attorney Alan Baker, former MK Attorney Elyakim HaEtzni,
former member of Italian Parliament Fiamma Nirenstein, demographer Dr
Michael Wise and others.
The issue can be downloaded from
www.ribonut.co.il


The following is the interview published in the issue with Minister Naftali
Bennett

We must Speak of our Right to the Land Even before Security, Strategy and
Policy

The head of The Jewish Home party, Minister Naftali Bennett, presents his
ideological vision, “The Israel Stability Initiative,” which, according to
him, has not changed since he joined the government. The things that you
see – from there and from here – are the same.

Editors' note: the interview with Minister Bennett was held before the
latest blow-up of political negotiations between Israel and the PA and the
reconciliation deal between Abu Mazen and Hamas. Just before his official
entry into the political system, Minister of Economy Naftali Bennett, head
of the Jewish Home party, issued his proposed pol icy entitled

“The Israel Stability Initiative,” the main thrust of which is the gradual
annexation of the territories of Judea and Samaria and ending the
Jewish-Arab conflict. From a recent conversation with him, more than a year
after his entry into the government, it is clear that Bennett has apparently
found no reason to change anything in his plan.

“What I saw from there, I see from here as well,” he tells us.

“The plan is based on the understanding that we must not and can not
establish a Palestinian state within the Land of Israel, but we also must
not and can not incorporate two million Palestinians within the State of
Israel and we cannot have two different classes of people in any given
territory,” Bennet begins, and presents the principles that led him to
formulate the plan.

“The solution called ‘the Stability Initiative’ entails the application of
sovereignty over Area C, which constitutes 60 percent of the territories of
Judea and Samaria, an area where approximately four hundred thousand Jews
live and about seventy thousand Arabs. We will offer a choice between
residency and citizenship to those seventy thousand Arabs. In my
estimation,” he says,“almost all will choose residency and not citizenship,
however, even if they all choose citizenship, this number of Arabs will not
represent demographic ramifications.”

And what about the rest of the territory?

“Regarding this territory we will establish Palestinian autonomy, this is an
area in which two million Arabs live and not a single Jew.”

Would this Palestinian autonomy actually be freezing the current situation
as it is?

“In general, yes, but with the addition of contiguity of transit and not
sovereignty. This will allow the Palestinians freedom of movement in Judea
and Samaria. In my estimation this is the sore point. We understand that
neither the Jews nor the Arabs in Judea and Samaria are going to disappear
and since there is no magic solution we must arrive at the situation where
the fabric of life is improved for every one. Today, thank G-d, we travel on
the same roads and I am not suggesting that we make separate roads for the
Jews and the Arabs but rather to continue using the same infrastructure and
the same roads.”

So who actually does know how to make peace? Minister Bennet sees the shared
roads as another proof of the geo-political absurdity that we live in.

“After all, it is the Jews of Judea and Samaria who know better than anyone
how to coexist and this is the great absurdity. Why, who is it that sits in
the traffic jams together everyday with the Arabs? The Geneva Initiative
crowd from Tel Aviv? No. It is the residents of Ofrah and Eli and the rest
of Benjamin who sit in the traffic jams at Adam Junction. Who shops together
in Rami Levi supermarket sin Gush Etzion and in Sha’ar Benjamin? And who
works together in the industrial area of Barkan or Mishor Adumim? Actually,
it is the settlers who are making peace the most, in a practical way, even
if not with the greatest love, and they can teach the left what true peace
is.”

“There is no great love in the air but most of the Jews recognize the fact
that the Arabs are not going to disappear and also most of the Arabs
recognize the fact that the Jews are not going to disappear. In this sense I
believe in strengthening the dynamic, in improving the transportation
infrastructure, the economy and the industrial areas in Judea and Samaria.”

You describe your plan as one that is good for Israel as well as the Arabs.
That’s nice, perhaps, but the Arabs will tell you that they don’t want it.
They want a state and a place at the UN.

“So they want it. We want to live, we are a country that desires life and
has no other land and ironically, because this land be longs to us and we
recognize that there are two million Arabs in Judea and Samaria, we realize
that we must give them a suit able and honorable answer.”

“There are more than a few voices from the Palestinian territory who say
that they do not trust the Palestinian Authority and do not want a
Palestinian state because of the corruption and we represent an alternative.
It is clear to me that it is not a perfect alternative but compared to the
others it seems good to me.”

What is the overall, practical solution that you see for the future?

“Long range, it is not impossible that Jordan will gradually become a sort
of Palestine if only because seventy percent of the Jordanians are of
Palestinian origin. I would see this process as a desirable one and, in my
opinion, this is already happening. This is a long range process, but
meanwhile we must not ruin what was already achieved in the field and we
must surely, surely prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state west of
Jordan at any cost.”

Your plan to divide the territory into Areas A, B and C reinforces the terms
of Oslo.

“The plan regarding the remainder of the territory speaks about autonomy
that does not include security control. I know what the reality is. I do not
want the Israeli civil administration to return to conduct life for the
Palestinian residents of Judea and Samaria. I have no interest in deciding
where Arab children will go to school and I am not interested in collecting
taxes from them and controlling their daily lives. I believe that the
present situation is alright.”

The world will not recognize our declaration? It did not recognize previous
declarations either. Bennett does not sound especially concerned even when
he is asked about the world’s expected reaction to a plan of this sort after
decades during which the vision of two states has been fixed in
international consciousness as the only logical and reasonable plan.

“The world will not recognize the Israeli declaration of sovereignty over
Area C just as it did not recognize the application of sovereignty in the
Golan Heights or in the Old City in Jerusalem. So there will be another
place that they don’t recognize sovereignty,” Bennett says dismissively and
immediately focuses on the importance of the plan inside Israeli society.

“If we recognize Area C as sovereign territory that belongs to the State of
Israel, the Israeli public will gradually feel that it is Israeli territory,
and the public will come there more and all of the questions will disappear,
but this is a process.”

“I do not accept the approach that ‘Things you see from there, you don’t see
from here.’ I believe the opposite, things that you see from here you also
see from there. From the seat of government, things appear exactly the same.
On the contrary, from here, I see even more how correct our approach is.”

“The present government under the leadership of Netanyahu desires the
establishment of a Palestinian state. It is no secret that we object to this
and will not lend our support. I am presenting an alternative because I
believe that at the end of the day, the present process will not be
realized, and when the present process comes to an end, everyone will ask
‘what now?’ – and therefore, we must already prepare the answer.”

Bennett is convinced that in order to promote the plan, it is particularly
important to prepare the infrastructure in the sphere of international
public relations. He explains the connection between these things.

“It is very clear to me that we must create an international system against
de- legitimization of Israel. Something appalling is happening here. Even
the Left does not expect peace. Even Tzipi Livni has stopped claiming that
there will be a peace agreement. I spoke with her about this and here is a
scoop for you: Even she claims that an agreement will not bring peace. When
you then ask why do all of this she says that the objective is that we will
not be isolated in the world. That is, no one claims that the process will
bring peace or security. On the contrary, they know that this process will
bring missiles and all of the disasters that may happen, but they are
convinced that there is no choice because the world is pressuring us. The
State of Israel must establish a system that is beyond Israel advocacy. It
must be a system to fight delegitimization. "

We must combine Israel advocacy, settlement activities and policy, but first
and foremost is the discussion of our rights to the Land.

“I am active in the field of public opinion but unfortunately the prime
minister is leading in the direction of establishing a Palestinian state. We
knew this when we entered the government. It is clear to me that this
direction will not happen because it is hopeless. The Palestinians will not
give up on the right of return or Jerusalem and the process will not go
forward. When I returned from Sharon’s funeral in Havat HaShikmim and,
immediately afterward, missiles were launched, I was reminded of all the
security experts’ great promises that the Disengagement would bring
security. Not security, nothing at all. We must establish a basis for the
alternative,” says Bennett who, perhaps in contrast to others, does not
consider his plan as the only plan to follow.

“I am not locked into it and I don’t say that my solution is the only
correct one. I hear about other suggestions for a solution and do not
discount them. We must create alternatives that will be ready for the day
that the current process is exhausted, and it is only a matter of time.”

Along with all of this, and perhaps even before the day in which he can
present the plan as a practical alternative on the table, Minister Bennett
sees the real value, as it was in the past, to actually building and
developing the Jewish communities in Judea and Samaria.

“I very much believe in a system of Israel advocacy but it is also of great
importance to continue the development and building in Judea and Samaria.
The fact that there are, today, four hundred thousand Jews who live in Judea
and Samaria is a fact that carries great meaning. We must develop the
physical side along with the Israel advocacy efforts.”

Just before we end the discussion Bennett feels that we have perhaps dealt
too much with current politics and policy and that perhaps we have slightly
neglected what is truly important.

“There is one insight that I have learned especially as a minister in the
government. I have had the opportunity to conduct over a hundred discussions
and lectures on policy during the past year. I speak about security and
demography but there is one thing that takes precedence over everything else
in inter views and discussions abroad. More than anything, we must speak
about our right to the Land. With all due respect to security rationale, in
the end there is no lecture or interview that I don’t open with the fact
that this Land was given to our forefather Abraham 3,700 years ago and it
will be ours forever. Afterward, there is room to speak about practical
things, about missiles, etc. The greatest mistake in the entire
international campaign is that people have not made it a practice to say
these things.”

These things brought us almost immediately into what has become Bennett’s
calling card in the world, the ancient coin of two thousand years ago that
was found in Jerusalem, a coin which he takes out during interviews and has
had a tremendous international impact in the official media.

“This coin has made waves and everyone can relate to it. Tens of millions
have seen this in various broadcasts. By presenting the coin you actually
say the extremely simple thing that the Land of Israel belongs to the People
of Israel and afterward we discuss how to cope with the presence of Arabs.
It is not a matter of fine English, but rather the message. It is not
necessary to speak of sensors and drones but that the Land of Israel belongs
to the People of Israel.”