...the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis...The situation in Iraq,
Syria and Libya should cure anyone of the illusion that this conflict is the
main source of problems in the region; for far too long, it has been used in
part as a way to distract people from problems at home.

The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
For Immediate Release September 24, 2014
Remarks As Prepared for Delivery by President Barack Obama, Address to the
United Nations General Assembly
http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2014/09/24/remarks-prepared-delivery-president-barack-obama-address-united-nations-

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and
gentlemen: we come together at a crossroads between war and peace; between
disorder and integration; between fear and hope.

Around the globe, there are signposts of progress. The shadow of World War
that existed at the founding of this institution has been lifted; the
prospect of war between major powers reduced. The ranks of member states has
more than tripled, and more people live under governments they elected.
Hundreds of millions of human beings have been freed from the prison of
poverty, with the proportion of those living in extreme poverty cut in half.
And the world economy continues to strengthen after the worst financial
crisis of our lives.

Today, whether you live in downtown New York or in my grandmother’s village
more than two hundred miles from Nairobi, you can hold in your hand more
information than the world’s greatest libraries. Together, we have learned
how to cure disease, and harness the power of the wind and sun. The very
existence of this institution is a unique achievement – the people of the
world committing to resolve their differences peacefully, and solve their
problems together. I often tell young people in the United States that this
is the best time in human history to be born, for you are more likely than
ever before to be literate, to be healthy, and to be free to pursue your
dreams.

And yet there is a pervasive unease in our world – a sense that the very
forces that have brought us together have created new dangers, and made it
difficult for any single nation to insulate itself from global forces. As we
gather here, an outbreak of Ebola overwhelms public health systems in West
Africa, and threatens to move rapidly across borders. Russian aggression in
Europe recalls the days when large nations trampled small ones in pursuit of
territorial ambition. The brutality of terrorists in Syria and Iraq forces
us to look into the heart of darkness.

Each of these problems demands urgent attention. But they are also symptoms
of a broader problem – the failure of our international system to keep pace
with an interconnected world. We have not invested adequately in the public
health capacity of developing countries. Too often, we have failed to
enforce international norms when it’s inconvenient to do so. And we have not
confronted forcefully enough the intolerance, sectarianism, and hopelessness
that feeds violent extremism in too many parts of the globe.

Fellow delegates, we come together as United Nations with a choice to make.
We can renew the international system that has enabled so much progress, or
allow ourselves to be pulled back by an undertow of instability. We can
reaffirm our collective responsibility to confront global problems, or be
swamped by more and more outbreaks of instability. For America, the choice
is clear. We choose hope over fear. We see the future not as something out
of our control, but as something we can shape for the better through
concerted and collective effort. We reject fatalism or cynicism when it
comes to human affairs; we choose to work for the world as it should be, as
our children deserve it to be.

There is much that must be done to meet the tests of this moment. But today
I’d like to focus on two defining questions at the root of many of our
challenges– whether the nations here today will be able to renew the purpose
of the UN’s founding; and whether we will come together to reject the cancer
of violent extremism.

First, all of us – big nations and small – must meet our responsibility to
observe and enforce international norms.

We are here because others realized that we gain more from cooperation than
conquest. One hundred years ago, a World War claimed the lives of many
millions, proving that with the terrible power of modern weaponry, the cause
of empire leads to the graveyard. It would take another World War to roll
back the forces of fascism and racial supremacy, and form this United
Nations to ensure that no nation can subjugate its neighbors and claim their
territory.

Russia’s actions in Ukraine challenge this post-war order. Here are the
facts. After the people of Ukraine mobilized popular protests and calls for
reform, their corrupt President fled. Against the will of the government in
Kiev, Crimea was annexed. Russia poured arms into Eastern Ukraine, fueling
violent separatists and a conflict that has killed thousands. When a
civilian airliner was shot down from areas that these proxies controlled,
they refused to allow access to the crash for days. When Ukraine started to
reassert control over its territory, Russia gave up the pretense of merely
supporting the separatists, and moved troops across the border.

This is a vision of the world in which might makes right – a world in which
one nation’s borders can be redrawn by another, and civilized people are not
allowed to recover the remains of their loved ones because of the truth that
might be revealed. America stands for something different. We believe that
right makes might – that bigger nations should not be able to bully smaller
ones; that people should be able to choose their own future.

These are simple truths, but they must be defended. America and our allies
will support the people of Ukraine as they develop their democracy and
economy. We will reinforce our NATO allies, and uphold our commitment to
collective defense. We will impose a cost on Russia for aggression, and
counter falsehoods with the truth. We call upon others to join us on the
right side of history – for while small gains can be won at the barrel of a
gun, they will ultimately be turned back if enough voices support the
freedom of nations and peoples to make their own decisions.

Moreover, a different path is available – the path of diplomacy and peace
and the ideals this institution is designed to uphold. The recent cease-fire
agreement in Ukraine offers an opening to achieve that objective. If Russia
takes that path – a path that for stretches of the post-Cold War period
resulted in prosperity for the Russian people – then we will lift our
sanctions and welcome Russia’s role in addressing common challenges. That’s
what the United States and Russia have been able to do in past years – from
reducing our nuclear stockpiles to meet our obligations under the Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty, to cooperating to remove and destroy Syria’s
declared chemical weapons. And that’s the kind of cooperation we are
prepared to pursue again—if Russia changes course.

This speaks to a central question of our global age: whether we will solve
our problems together, in a spirit of mutual interests and mutual respect,
or whether we descend into destructive rivalries of the past. When nations
find common ground, not simply based on power, but on principle, then we can
make enormous progress. And I stand before you today committed to investing
American strength in working with nations to address the problems we face in
the 21st century.

As we speak, America is deploying our doctors and scientists – supported by
our military – to help contain the outbreak of Ebola and pursue new
treatments. But we need a broader effort to stop a disease that could kill
hundreds of thousands, inflict horrific suffering, destabilize economies,
and move rapidly across borders. It’s easy to see this as a distant
problem – until it isn’t. That is why we will continue mobilizing other
countries to join us in making concrete commitments to fight this outbreak,
and enhance global health security for the long-term.

America is pursuing a diplomatic resolution to the Iranian nuclear issue, as
part of our commitment to stop the spread of nuclear weapons and pursue the
peace and security of a world without them. This can only happen if Iran
takes this historic opportunity. My message to Iran’s leaders and people is
simple: do not let this opportunity pass. We can reach a solution that meets
your energy needs while assuring the world that your program is peaceful.

America is and will continue to be a Pacific power, promoting peace,
stability, and the free flow of commerce among nations. But we will insist
that all nations abide by the rules of the road, and resolve their
territorial disputes peacefully, consistent with international law. That’s
how the Asia-Pacific has grown. And that’s the only way to protect this
progress going forward.

America is committed to a development agenda that eradicates extreme poverty
by 2030. We will do our part – to help people feed themselves; power their
economies; and care for their sick. If the world acts together, we can make
sure that all of our children can enjoy lives of opportunity and dignity

America is pursuing ambitious reductions in our carbon emissions, and we
have increased our investments in clean energy. We will do our part, and
help developing nations to do theirs. But we can only succeed in combating
climate change if we are joined in this effort by every major power. That’s
how we can protect this planet for our children and grandchildren.

On issue after issue, we cannot rely on a rule-book written for a different
century. If we lift our eyes beyond our borders – if we think globally and
act cooperatively – we can shape the course of this century as our
predecessors shaped the post-World War II age. But as we look to the future,
one issue risks a cycle of conflict that could derail such progress: and
that is the cancer of violent extremism that has ravaged so many parts of
the Muslim world.

Of course, terrorism is not new. Speaking before this Assembly, President
Kennedy put it well: “Terror is not a new weapon,” he said. “Throughout
history it has been used by those who could not prevail, either by
persuasion or example.” In the 20th century, terror was used by all manner
of groups who failed to come to power through public support. But in this
century, we have faced a more lethal and ideological brand of terrorists who
have perverted one of the world’s great religions. With access to technology
that allows small groups to do great harm, they have embraced a nightmarish
vision that would divide the world into adherents and infidels – killing as
many innocent civilians as possible; and employing the most brutal methods
to intimidate people within their communities.

I have made it clear that America will not base our entire foreign policy on
reacting to terrorism. Rather, we have waged a focused campaign against al
Qaeda and its associated forces – taking out their leaders, and denying them
the safe-havens they rely upon. At the same time, we have reaffirmed that
the United States is not and never will be at war with Islam. Islam teaches
peace. Muslims the world over aspire to live with dignity and a sense of
justice. And when it comes to America and Islam, there is no us and them –
there is only us, because millions of Muslim Americans are part of the
fabric of our country.

So we reject any suggestion of a clash of civilizations. Belief in permanent
religious war is the misguided refuge of extremists who cannot build or
create anything, and therefore peddle only fanaticism and hate. And it is no
exaggeration to say that humanity’s future depends on us uniting against
those who would divide us along fault lines of tribe or sect; race or
religion.

This is not simply a matter of words. Collectively, we must take concrete
steps to address the danger posed by religiously motivated fanatics, and the
trends that fuel their recruitment. Moreover, this campaign against
extremism goes beyond a narrow security challenge. For while we have
methodically degraded core al Qaeda and supported a transition to a
sovereign Afghan government, extremist ideology has shifted to other
places – particularly in the Middle East and North Africa, where a quarter
of young people have no job; food and water could grow scarce; corruption is
rampant; and sectarian conflicts have become increasingly hard to contain.

As an international community, we must meet this challenge with a focus on
four areas. First, the terrorist group known as ISIL must be degraded, and
ultimately destroyed.

This group has terrorized all who they come across in Iraq and Syria.
Mothers, sisters and daughters have been subjected to rape as a weapon of
war. Innocent children have been gunned down. Bodies have been dumped in
mass graves. Religious minorities have been starved to death. In the most
horrific crimes imaginable, innocent human beings have been beheaded, with
videos of the atrocity distributed to shock the conscience of the world.

No God condones this terror. No grievance justifies these actions. There can
be no reasoning – no negotiation – with this brand of evil. The only
language understood by killers like this is the language of force. So the
United States of America will work with a broad coalition to dismantle this
network of death.

In this effort, we do not act alone. Nor do we intend to send U.S. troops to
occupy foreign lands. Instead, we will support Iraqis and Syrians fighting
to reclaim their communities. We will use our military might in a campaign
of air strikes to roll back ISIL. We will train and equip forces fighting
against these terrorists on the ground. We will work to cut off their
financing, and to stop the flow of fighters into and out of the region.
Already, over 40 nations have offered to join this coalition. Today, I ask
the world to join in this effort. Those who have joined ISIL should leave
the battlefield while they can. Those who continue to fight for a hateful
cause will find they are increasingly alone. For we will not succumb to
threats; and we will demonstrate that the future belongs to those who
build – not those who destroy.

Second, it is time for the world – especially Muslim communities – to
explicitly, forcefully, and consistently reject the ideology of al Qaeda and
ISIL.

It is the task of all great religions to accommodate devout faith with a
modern, multicultural world. No children – anywhere – should be educated to
hate other people. There should be no more tolerance of so-called clerics
who call upon people to harm innocents because they are Jewish, Christian or
Muslim. It is time for a new compact among the civilized peoples of this
world to eradicate war at its most fundamental source: the corruption of
young minds by violent ideology.

That means cutting off the funding that fuels this hate. It’s time to end
the hypocrisy of those who accumulate wealth through the global economy, and
then siphon funds to those who teach children to tear it down.

That means contesting the space that terrorists occupy – including the
Internet and social media. Their propaganda has coerced young people to
travel abroad to fight their wars, and turned students into suicide bombers.
We must offer an alternative vision.

That means bringing people of different faiths together. All religions have
been attacked by extremists from within at some point, and all people of
faith have a responsibility to lift up the value at the heart of all
religion: do unto thy neighbor as you would have done unto you.

The ideology of ISIL or al Qaeda or Boko Haram will wilt and die if it is
consistently exposed, confronted, and refuted in the light of day. Look at
the new Forum for Promoting Peace in Muslim Societies – Sheikh bin Bayyah
described its purpose: “We must declare war on war, so the outcome will be
peace upon peace.” Look at the young British Muslims, who responded to
terrorist propaganda by starting the “notinmyname” campaign, declaring –
“ISIS is hiding behind a false Islam.” Look at the Christian and Muslim
leaders who came together in the Central African Republic to reject
violence – listen to the Imam who said, “Politics try to divide the
religious in our country, but religion shouldn’t be a cause of hate, war, or
strife.”

Later today, the Security Council will adopt a resolution that underscores
the responsibility of states to counter violent extremism. But resolutions
must be followed by tangible commitments, so we’re accountable when we fall
short. Next year, we should all be prepared to announce the concrete steps
that we have taken to counter extremist ideologies – by getting intolerance
out of schools, stopping radicalization before it spreads, and promoting
institutions and programs that build new bridges of understanding.

Third, we must address the cycle of conflict – especially sectarian
conflict – that creates the conditions that terrorists prey upon.

There is nothing new about wars within religions. Christianity endured
centuries of vicious sectarian conflict. Today, it is violence within Muslim
communities that has become the source of so much human misery. It is time
to acknowledge the destruction wrought by proxy wars and terror campaigns
between Sunni and Shia across the Middle East. And it is time that
political, civic and religious leaders reject sectarian strife. Let’s be
clear: this is a fight that no one is winning. A brutal civil war in Syria
has already killed nearly 200,000 people and displaced millions. Iraq has
come perilously close to plunging back into the abyss. The conflict has
created a fertile recruiting ground for terrorists who inevitably export
this violence.

Yet, we also see signs that this tide could be reversed – a new, inclusive
government in Baghdad; a new Iraqi Prime Minister welcomed by his neighbors;
Lebanese factions rejecting those who try to provoke war. These steps must
be followed by a broader truce. Nowhere is this more necessary than Syria.
Together with our partners, America is training and equipping the Syrian
opposition to be a counterweight to the terrorists of ISIL and the brutality
of the Assad regime. But the only lasting solution to Syria’s civil war is
political – an inclusive political transition that responds to the
legitimate aspirations of all Syrian citizens, regardless of ethnicity or
creed.

Cynics may argue that such an outcome can never come to pass. But there is
no other way for this madness to end – whether one year from now or ten.
Indeed, it’s time for a broader negotiation in which major powers address
their differences directly, honestly, and peacefully across the table from
one another, rather than through gun-wielding proxies. I can promise you
America will remain engaged in the region, and we are prepared to engage in
that effort.

My fourth and final point is a simple one: the countries of the Arab and
Muslim world must focus on the extraordinary potential of their people –
especially the youth.

Here I’d like to speak directly to young people across the Muslim world. You
come from a great tradition that stands for education, not ignorance;
innovation, not destruction; the dignity of life, not murder. Those who call
you away from this path are betraying this tradition, not defending it.

You have demonstrated that when young people have the tools to succeed –good
schools; education in math and science; an economy that nurtures creativity
and entrepreneurship – then societies will flourish. So America will partner
with those who promote that vision.

Where women are full participants in a country’s politics or economy,
societies are more likely to succeed. That’s why we support the
participation of women in parliaments and in peace processes; in schools and
the economy.

If young people live in places where the only option is between the dictates
of a state, or the lure of an extremist underground – no counter-terrorism
strategy can succeed. But where a genuine civil society is allowed to
flourish – where people can express their views, and organize peacefully for
a better life – then you dramatically expand the alternatives to terror.

Such positive change need not come at the expense of tradition and faith. We
see this in Iraq, where a young man started a library for his peers. “We
link Iraq’s heritage to their hearts,” he said, and “give them a reason to
stay.” We see it in Tunisia, where secular and Islamist parties worked
together through a political process to produce a new constitution. We see
it in Senegal, where civil society thrives alongside a strong, democratic
government. We see it in Malaysia, where vibrant entrepreneurship is
propelling a former colony into the ranks of advanced economies. And we see
it in Indonesia, where what began as a violent transition has evolved into a
genuine democracy.

Ultimately, the task of rejecting sectarianism and extremism is a
generational task – a task for the people of the Middle East themselves. No
external power can bring about a transformation of hearts and minds. But
America will be a respectful and constructive partner. We will neither
tolerate terrorist safe-havens, nor act as an occupying power. Instead, we
will take action against threats to our security – and our allies – while
building an architecture of counter-terrorism cooperation. We will increase
efforts to lift up those who counter extremist ideology, and seek to resolve
sectarian conflict. And we will expand our programs to support
entrepreneurship, civil society, education and youth – because, ultimately,
these investments are the best antidote to violence.

Leadership will also be necessary to address the conflict between
Palestinians and Israelis. As bleak as the landscape appears, America will
never give up the pursuit of peace. The situation in Iraq, Syria and Libya
should cure anyone of the illusion that this conflict is the main source of
problems in the region; for far too long, it has been used in part as a way
to distract people from problems at home. And the violence engulfing the
region today has made too many Israelis ready to abandon the hard work of
peace. But let’s be clear: the status quo in the West Bank and Gaza is not
sustainable. We cannot afford to turn away from this effort – not when
rockets are fired at innocent Israelis, or the lives of so many Palestinian
children are taken from us in Gaza. So long as I am President, we will stand
up for the principle that Israelis, Palestinians, the region, and the world
will be more just with two states living side by side, in peace and
security.

This is what America is prepared to do – taking action against immediate
threats, while pursuing a world in which the need for such action is
diminished. The United States will never shy away from defending our
interests, but nor will we shrink from the promise of this institution and
its Universal Declaration of Human Rights – the notion that peace is not
merely the absence of war, but the presence of a better life.

I realize that America’s critics will be quick to point out that at times we
too have failed to live up to our ideals; that America has plenty of
problems within our own borders. This is true. In a summer marked by
instability in the Middle East and Eastern Europe, I know the world also
took notice of the small American city of Ferguson, Missouri – where a young
man was killed, and a community was divided. So yes, we have our own racial
and ethnic tensions. And like every country, we continually wrestle with how
to reconcile the vast changes wrought by globalization and greater diversity
with the traditions that we hold dear.

But we welcome the scrutiny of the world – because what you see in America
is a country that has steadily worked to address our problems and make our
union more perfect. America is not the same as it was 100 years ago, 50
years ago, or even a decade ago. Because we fight for our ideals, and are
willing to criticize ourselves when we fall short. Because we hold our
leaders accountable, and insist on a free press and independent judiciary.
Because we address our differences in the open space of democracy – with
respect for the rule of law; with a place for people of every race and
religion; and with an unyielding belief in the ability of individual men and
women to change their communities and countries for the better.

After nearly six years as President, I believe that this promise can help
light the world. Because I’ve seen a longing for positive change – for peace
and freedom and opportunity – in the eyes of young people I’ve met around
the globe. They remind me that no matter who you are, or where you come
from, or what you look like, or what God you pray to, or who you love, there
is something fundamental that we all share. Eleanor Roosevelt, a champion of
the UN and America’s role in it, once asked, “Where, after all, do universal
human rights begin? In small places,” she said, “close to home – so close
and so small that they cannot be seen on any maps of the world. Yet they are
the world of the individual person; the neighborhood he lives in; the school
or college he attends; the factory, farm or office where he works.”

The people of the world look to us, here, to be as decent, as dignified, and
as courageous as they are in their daily lives. And at this crossroads, I
can promise you that the United States of America will not be distracted or
deterred from what must be done. We are heirs to a proud legacy of freedom,
and we are prepared to do what is necessary to secure that legacy for
generations to come. Join us in this common mission, for today’s children
and tomorrow’s.